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GEOGRAPHY OF THE 



ALAN G. OGILVIE 



AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL,. SOCIETY 
map of Hispanic America- PUBLrcAT.iON#o, t . 




Copyright N°- 



CQEXRIGHT DEPOSIT 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 with funding from 
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AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 

MAP OF HISPANIC AMERICA 

PUBLICATION NO. i 

GEOGRAPHY OF THE 
CENTRAL ANDES 

A Handbook to Accompany the LA PAZ Sheet of the 
Map of Hispanic America on the Millionth Scale 

BY 

ALAN G. OGILVIE, M.A., B.Sc. (Oxon.) 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 

ISAIAH BOWMAN 




PUBLISHED BY 

THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 
OF NEW YORK 

BROADWAY AT I56TH STREET 
1922 



Vzziz 



COPYRIGHT, 1922 

BY 

THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 

OF NEW YORK 




THE CONDE NAST PRESS 
GREENWICH, CONN. 



N-8'23 



©CH690901 



CONTENTS 

PART I 

THE LA PAZ SHEET OF THE 1:1,000,000 MAP 

PART II 
GEOGRAPHY OF THE LA PAZ SHEET AREA 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I General View 13 

II Geological Structure and Land Forms .... 31 

III Minerals and Mines 49 

IV The Ocean \ . . . 61 

V The Climate 67 

VI Drainage, Water Supply, and Soils 95 

VII The Natural Vegetation 109 

VIII Animal Life 122 

IX The Inhabitants and Their Adaptation to the 

Environment 136 

Appendix A, The Social and Religious Organiza- 
tion of the Plateau Indians ... 199 

Appendix B, The Problem of Tacna and Arica . . 203 

Appendix C, Selected Bibliography 211 

Appendix D, Conversion Tables 224 

Index 233 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATE PAGE 

I Map showing distribution of population .... facing 146 

II Map showing utilization of land facing 174 

FIG. 

1 Pisagua from the roadstead facing 18 

2 Part of the Altiplano showing the Rio Desaguadero, facing 23 

3 Source of the Rio Desaguadero, outlet of Lake Titicaca 

facing 24 

4 Block diagram of the Cordillera Real and Altiplano ... 26 

5 Sketch map pf natural regions in the Central Andes ... 29 

6 (A) and (B) Sketch maps of ancient lakes on the Altiplano 43 

7 Diagram illustrating relationship of two ancient lakes . . 45 

8 Horizontal section of the ocean floor and Western Cor- 

dillera 62 

9 Sketch map showing precipitation, belts of cloud, and 

meteorological stations 67 

10 Graphs showing monthly variations in temperature ... 70 

1 1 Graphs showing daily variations in temperature .... 73 

12 Wind roses for Arica 76 

13 Wind roses for Arequipa 77 

14 Wind roses for Vinocaya 78 

15 Wind roses for Puno 79 

16 Wind roses for La Paz 81 

17 Wind roses for Cochabamba 83 

18 Wind roses for Sucre 85 

19 (A) and (B) Diagrams illustrating cloud types and rainfall 

belts in the Eastern Andes 87 

20 (A) and (B) Diagrams illustrating cloud types and rainfall 

belts on the Pacific slope 90 

21 Graph showing monthly precipitation at various stations 92 

22 The end of a river on the piedmont facing 10 1 

23 Diagram of flow on the Rfo Chili 102 

24 Sketch map showing distribution of natural vegetation . no 

25 Yareta, tola, and ichu grass facing 1 14 

26 A stack of yareta ready for burning facing 114 



vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS— (Continued) 

FIG. PAGE 

27 Ichu grass in the Puna Brava facing 116 

28 Cactus vegetation in the La Paz valley facing 119 

29 Illimani from the Yungas, with forest facing 120 

30 Uru Indian grinding quinoa facing 152 

31 Isolated Indian dwelling in the high pastures . . facing 153 

32 Colonos plowing and sowing facing 160 

33 Procession of Indians at a fiesta facing 162 

34 Abandoned artificial terraces (andenes) facing 163 

35 Fishing balsas on Lake Titicaca facing 165 

36 Farms in the Chili valley above Arequipa .... facing 167 

37 The Yungas of Coroico with coca plantations 168 

38 Sketch maps illustrating relative importance of routes . . 178 

39 The port of Huaqui facing 182 

40 The city of La Paz from the southwest 187 

41 Sketch map showing boundary changes 195 

ACKNOWLEDGMENT 

Figures 28, 29. and 32 are from photographs by George M. McBride. All other 
photographs reproduced were taken by Isaiah Bowman. 



PREFACE 

This regional account of an important part of the Central 
Andes and the first (provisional) edition of the map representing 
the area have been compiled simultaneously as the result of an 
effort to draw together much scattered information. Materials 
for map and book have been gathered from sources which vary 
widely in character and quality. The data utilized in the map, 
and the method of its construction, are discussed in some detail 
in Part I. The bibliography records most of the sources of mate- 
rial for the book. 

Existing scientific data are probably above the average for 
South American areas of this extent in both quantity and quality ; 
but, as a rule, they relate only to small parts of the country. 
Moreover, we can turn to no systematic description of the whole 
territory covered by the map. And modern geography requires 
more than mere description ; it demands that genetic relationships 
be brought out. This fact has been kept in view in writing a book 
which, because of the present state of knowledge, is a provisional 
edition, like the map that it accompanies. 

The reader will quickly appreciate that within the area dis- 
cussed there are several strongly contrasted natural regions, and 
he will surely ask himself what is the total extent of each. For, 
in fact, all of the more important of them extend far beyond the 
map limits. A diagram has therefore been placed at the end of 
Chapter I showing the relation of the various natural regions 
discussed to the sheets of the millionth map in general and to the 
La Paz sheet in particular. Thus it will be seen that many of the 
general observations which are made in this handbook would 
apply equally well in the description of a number of different 
map areas. 

I have great pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to a 
number of colleagues for their assistance. The section on soils 
was written after consultation with Dr. C. F. Marbut, of the 



V1U 



PREFACE 



United States Bureau of Soils, who kindly gave me his opinion 
on the probable conditions prevailing in the several regions. In 
collecting data for Chapter VIII, I have had the advantage of 
consulting Drs. F. M. Chapman, H. E. Anthony, R. C. Murphy, 
and other officers of the Department of Zoology in the American 
Museum of Natural History. Dr. Murphy has also read critically 
the manuscript of this chapter. 

My thanks are due to Dr. Isaiah Bowman, who placed at my 
disposal field notes, photographs, maps, and personal information, 
much of it unpublished, that he had gathered on several expedi- 
tions to the Central Andes; to Dr. George M. McBride for collect- 
ing most of the historical material included in Chapter IX and 
Appendix B, as well as for writing Appendix A; and to Dr. Gladys 
M. Wrigley, who permitted me to use her unpublished work on 
settlements and routes in the coastal zone. 

Alan G. Ogilvie. 



INTRODUCTION 
By Isaiah Bowman 

In 1920 the Society announced a plan for Hispanic-American 
research of which this book and the La Paz sheet on the scale 
1: 1,000,000 are among the first results. Field studies in the 
Central Andes in 1907, 191 1, and 1913 had yielded me first-hand 
knowledge of the geography of highland Peru and Bolivia as well 
as the highly contrasted lowlands on either side, and this fact, 
together with the diversified character of the region, was the 
chief inducement to start the plan with the production of the 
La Paz sheet. Teh other sheets are in course of compilation or 
reproduction. They range in position from the peninsula of 
Lower California to the Gran Chaco of southeastern Bolivia. 
It is planned to complete the sheets in natural groups if the plan 
can be supported to that extent. In time, handbooks like the 
present one will summarize the regional aspects of the geography. 
Until the sheets of such natural groups are produced each map 
will be accompanied by a leaflet describing the cartographical 
sources which support it. 

The production of the first sheet has revealed a surprising 
amount of data, bearing upon the general geography no less than 
upon the map, that has been wholly unknown to geographers 
hitherto. To such an extent is this true that I know of no more 
fruitful means of advancing a knowledge of the Hispanic- Ameri- 
can realm than the plan upon which we have embarked. Having 
conducted exploratory expeditions, I am aware of the lure of field 
work and of its value to science. But there comes a time in the 
history of every subject when a broad and critical synthesis may 
be of even more value. At this juncture the millionth map sup- 
plies an indispensable medium for synthetic and comparative 
studies of a high order. The handbooks that form a part of 
the plan depend inevitably upon field work to be carried on from 
time to time as circumstances permit — field work that is guided 



x INTRODUCTION 

by knowledge gained in the compilation of maps from so many 
sources. In time this will bring us to the point where a general 
geographical study of Hispanic-America can be made upon a 
sound scientific basis. 

Parallel with these activities the Society has conducted others 
that may be enumerated here. There has been produced a map 
of Hispanic-America on the scale of 1 : 6,000,000, or a little less 
than 100 miles to the inch. It is drawn from nearly 250 sources, 
including a large number of original surveys. It shows railways, 
drainage indicated as surveyed or unsurveyed, international and 
administrative boundaries, and towns in graded sequence down 
to those with a population of 4,000. It is produced in three sheets 
which can be handled separately or assembled to make a wall 
map. Upon it in a separate edition will be represented in color 
the state of knowledge respecting the cartography of Hispanic- 
America, the population density plotted on a rational basis from 
most recent census returns, and eventually soils, forests, and the 
like. There has also been completed a List of Maps of Hispanic 
America. (I) Maps Contained in Periodical Publications, published 
as a volume of bound typewritten sheets in a very small edition. 
A second part of the work (II) is a list of miscellaneous maps in 
books and in sheet form, and a third (III) a list of official maps. 
The maps are arranged chronologically by countries. The second 
part of the work is well advanced and now consists of 10,000 
entries chiefly of historical value; the third remains to be done, 
except in so far as the regular map collection of the Society 
includes portions of it. 

As a basis for physiographic research the Society has just 
published in book form A Catalogue of Geological Maps of South 
America, with an index map, as No. 9 in its Research Series. An 
intensive study of the Mexican land system is in press and one 
on Argentine colonization is in preparation. The last-named is a 
parallel study to Recent Colonization in Chile published in 192 1 
as Research Series No. 6. 

The whole Hispanic-American program is necessarily based on 
maps because no thorough and systematic collation of such mate- 



INTRODUCTION xi 

rial whether published or unpublished has ever been attempted. 
It follows that the student of the human geography of Hispanic- 
America is frustrated at every turn by the paucity of a given map 
collection, or its unordered state, or the highly unequal quality of 
its parts. It is one of the aims of the Society to substitute for this 
great deficiency a set of maps of high quality so that from them 
and the collateral knowledge gained in their production there shall 
flow a series of truly scientific papers in the field of regional geog- 
raphy. 



PART ONE 

CHAPTER I 
THE LA PAZ SHEET OF THE i: 1,000,000 MAP 

It was thought worth while to compile the La Paz sheet of the 
millionth map for two main reasons ; first because from scientific 
and practical standpoints it is important to have at the present 
time the best possible map covering a complete section of the 
Andes at its widest part. This it is hoped will be furnished by 
the La Paz sheet and the Santa Cruz sheet to the east of it. And 
secondly, because a number of surveys and reconnaissances have 
been made in the areas of both sheets since publication of the 
most recent general maps of the region. 

No claim is implied that the present provisional edition of the 
map is uniformly reliable in all its parts. It represents careful 
compilation from all the maps and documents which could be 
collected in the circumstances. All published maps as well as the 
results of a considerable number of unpublished reconnaissance 
surveys have been studied. 

Perhaps the most serious obstacle to scientific compilation 
has been the lack in large areas of geographical positions of un- 
questionable reliability, a condition especially serious in regard to 
longitudes. In this respect the western part of the map is rea- 
sonably reliable, because based on a good hydrographic survey of 
the coast, as well as on the records of the astronomical observa- 
tory at Arequipa. But east of the Western Cordillera the diffi- 
culties increase. The geographical positions of several towns are 
given by Bolivian official publications, but the positions are re- 
corded differently, the variations being small in latitude and wide 
in longitude. Moreover, they differ considerably from the obser- 
vations of earlier surveyors such as Pentland and Minchin. It 
was most desirable to obtain if possible a continuous skeleton 



2 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

from the Pacific Coast to the eastern foot of the Andes, and, so 
far as is known, there is but one source for such a series. Colonel 
P. H. Fawcett, in proceeding to the eastern boundary of Bolivia 
in 1913 to carry out survey work there on behalf of the Bolivian 
government, carried a series of observations from Puno on Lake 
Titicaca (whose position is known relative to Arequipa) right 
across to the Brazilian boundary; and most of the positions he 
recorded fall within the La Paz and Santa Cruz sheets. In making 
use of these points, however, another difficulty arose. Colonel 
Fawcett published his results in 191 5 in a preliminary map of 
small scale (1: 3,000,000) and with no records other than the 
plotting of the points. A tracing of the original of part of this 
map, on a larger scale, was obtained by the courtesy of the Royal 
Geographical Society of London ; but beyond this no information 
regarding the observations on the map was forthcoming, as 
Colonel Fawcett had already started on a further exploration in 
the heart of Brazil. It was therefore decided to accept his posi- 
tions only where they agreed closely with those of other surveys, 
and where no original surveys were available. As regards the La 
Paz sheet, one of the chief innovations was the movement of 
Cochabamba some 13 minutes to the east of its position on most 
other maps. The co-ordinates given in the Annuario Estadistico 
y Geogrdfico de Bolivia were accepted, as they agreed very closely 
with the position of the city on Fawcett's map. The positions in 
the southern part of the Altiplano are derived in the main from 
Minchin's surveys. 

The coast line was surveyed in 1836 by H. M. S. Beagle, 1 and 
the British charts based on this survey together with the Chilean 
plans covering a number of small areas have furnished the coastal 
and hydrographic data for the La Paz sheet. 2 All the recent com- 
piled maps save one have followed these charts. The exception is 

1 The work was actually carried out by Usborne during the winter of 1835-1836 
in the Constiiucidn which was used as a tender to the Beagle. 

2 The coast line, however, was adjusted to the longitude of Iquique, as given 
on the map of the Departamento de Tarapaca, 1: 25,000, Oficina de Mensura de 
Tierras, 1918. The longitude of the lighthouse at Iquique is there given as 70° 10' 
27" W., while British Admiralty Chart No. 1278 places it at 70 11' 48" W., a 
difference of 1' 21". 



THE LA PAZ SHEET 3 

the compilation made at Arequipa in 19 12 by T. A. Corry of the 
Ferrocarril del Sur del Peru. In this map the entire coast line 
northwest of Arica exhibits many variations from the hydro- 
graphic charts, the most noticeable difference being in the trend 
for the first 25 kilometers north of Ilo which is almost due north 
instead of north-northwest as on the charts. This has the effect 
of placing a large bight between Ilo and Punta de Bomb6n. As it 
proved impossible to ascertain the nature of the observations 
upon which these changes had been based, the coast line of the 
Beagle survey has been allowed to stand. 

The only single survey covering a large area is that of the Chile- 
Bolivia Boundary Commission, which was based upon a triangu- 
lation of all the principal peaks of the Western Cordillera south 
of latitude 17 and was connected to the coast at Arica and 
at Iquique, just south of the map area. The sheets were published 
between 1908 and 1912 on the scale of 1 : 250,000. They contain a 
very large number of altitudes. There are three smaller areas of 
survey based on triangulation. The district between Lake Titi- 
caca and La Paz was surveyed by a French commission in the 
service of the Bolivian government in 1902- 1903. Access was 
obtained to a copy of part of this map, which, however, has never 
been published. Overlapping this survey is Conway's triangula- 
tion and survey of the Cordillera Real made in 1898 and published 
in final form in 1900 on the scale of 1 : 500,000. 

The triangulation and survey made about 1906 of the Pampa 
de Salinas east of Arequipa has' also been used. The detailed 
maps of the nitrate district in the southwest corner had been 
incorporated in the Chilean official map 1 : 500,000 mentioned 
below, and that source has been used. 

In the category of reliable traverses based upon a series of 
astronomical observations with chronometer longitudes, the most 
important are those of Minchin across the Altiplano and thence 
southeastward to Potosi, carried out about 1875. Minchin's 
points, adjusted in longitude to agree with the accepted position 
of Oruro and with that of Sucre determined by time signal by 
Steinmann and Hoek, have been accepted as a skeleton in the 



4 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

southeastern part of the sheet. In part this was supplemented by 
an excellent unpublished compass traverse by A. P. Rogers from 
Challapata to Colquechaca and by others from Oruro through 
San Pedro to Colquechaca and from Potosf to Challapata, both 
by A. Stiles. Of other compass traverses, use has been made of 
that of Steinmann, Hoek, and von Bistram entering the area 
from the east and reaching nearly to La Paz. This long traverse 
— made in 1903-1904 — rests upon few fixed points and has been 
used mainly for its topographic detail. Two compass sketches 
of mountain groups — the Quimsa Cruz and the Cordillera north- 
west of Cochabamba — were made by Herzog in 191 1, and these 
have been accepted almost in their entirety. Unfortunately 
there are few checks upon the accuracy of their scale, but they 
are believed to give a good representation of the mountains, 
shown by carefully drawn form lines which agree with the 
descriptions of the land forms. For the eastern slope of the 
Cordillera Real north of the Quimsa Cruz range, data were 
furnished by a compass reconnaissance made in locating the 
Yungas railway, a stadia survey for the railway when located, a 
geological reconnaissance of the foothills, and a road survey. 
The La Paz River in its upper section appears on Conway's 
map. For the section of the Rio Beni below Coroico a stadia 
reconnaissance for a projected railway was used, while the inter- 
vening portion has been taken from the survey made by Heath 
between 1879 and 1881 and supplemented later by Garcia Mesa. 
Of railway surveys those of the Arica-La Paz and the Huaqui-La 
Paz lines give a valuable check upon longitudes in the Altiplano, 
while the map of the Oruro-Cochabamba railway furnished much 
additional topographic information derived from reconnaissances 
on both sides of the line. The shore lines of Lakes Titicaca and 
Poop6 have been taken, save for details, from the surveys of 
Neveu-Lemaire of the Crequi-Montfort expedition; and the 
Desaguadero River from the survey of Bergelund made in 1892 
for the Peruvian Corporation. 

Previous compilations have had to be used in areas for which 
no original surveys were available. The compilers of these maps, 



THE LA PAZ SHEET 5 

which are included in the list given below, undoubtedly had 
access to certain sources which the compiler of this map has not 
had. For instance, Huot, the cartographer of the Crequi-Mont- 
fort expedition, in compiling his "Carte des Andes Centrales," 
1 : 750,000, which for most parts is the best general map of the 
Central Andes, was able to use the topographic information 
brought back by that expedition; and in Peru, Corry had infor- 
mation which enabled him to modify Raimondi's map in several 
respects. It is unfortunate that in most compiled maps there is 
no systematic discrimination between the known and the un- 
known; and this is especially true of maps published in South 
America. The conventional signs of the International Map, 
which have beeji adopted, enable us to make this important 
distinction quite clear. 

In the case of areas in which we are reasonably sure that no 
surveys have been made, we have had to interpret written 
accounts of the country in the light of our general knowledge of 
the main geological structure and the way in which it controls 
the surface features in this and other parts of the Andes. Thus 
in the case of the Eastern Cordillera we have drawn, without 
accurate knowledge, river valleys which are known to exist, as 
well as the very approximate contours between them. We have 
rarely followed exactly the river courses from any of the extremely 
variable previous compilations but have boldly inserted lines 
which we believe to have in general a more probable location than 
those of previous maps of these parts. We believe this action to 
be justified, provided the method be clearly stated, as it is in 
this text and in the reliability diagram on the border of the map. 
Except in the very few areas which have been contoured in the 
field, approximate contours have been drawn in the manner 
described. The advice of those who have seen the areas or others 
undoubtedly similar has been sought constantly. Thus, while 
the contours over much of the map are very approximate and 
while neither they nor the drainage lines have the detail which 
only survey can give them, yet we believe that the character of 
the contours is essentially correct. The kind of modification 



6 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

which is made by survey upon the generalized approximate con- 
tours may be judged by a comparison on the map of the Pampa 
de Salinas (surveyed) east of Arequipa with the Pampa de Vis- 
cachas (unsurveyed) to the southeast of it; or again in the 
plateaus of the Eastern Cordillera by comparing the general 
hill forms (unsurveyed) with the very small surveyed portions 
northwest of Uncia and east of Chayanta. 

As mentioned above, geological knowledge has been utilized 
in determining the trend of surface features. In the case of the 
northeastern corner of the area it is probable that the topography 
is represented too diagrammatically; but, on the other hand, it 
is believed that on the Altiplano between the two Cordilleras 
subsequent mapping will bring out more clearly the parallel 
arrangement of ridges and valleys. The difference of treatment 
is based on the very different amount of topographic knowledge 
of the two areas. The lower ranges of the Andes east of the Rio 
Bopi are completely unsurveyed save for one compass traverse 
by Orbigny, and, while Orbigny's descriptions are valuable, his 
compass observations seem to be unreliable. But the Altiplano, 
on the other hand, has been mapped from a number of traverses 
which have been accepted in general. But these contain little 
detail, and in an area of such slight relief it is the smaller features 
which bring out the topographic pattern. Similarly in the high 
plateaus west of Lake Titicaca, Raimondi's map has been copied, 
and it is not known how much surveying this explorer did in the 
area. But it seems likely that a more detailed knowledge would 
reveal a marked regularity of valley direction conforming gen- 
erally to the geologic strike of the sedimentary rocks which in 
all probability are exposed in much of the area. 

The compilers have diverged somewhat from the requirements 
of the International Map Committee in regard to the contours. 
The "principal contours" demanded, which are all limits of 
hypsometric tints, have been inserted. But the color scale has 
been extended by providing an additional tint for land above 
5,000 meters, this being necessary to bring out the higher moun- 
tains. No separate color is provided for the seven small areas 



THE LA PAZ SHEET 7 

over 6,000 meters, most of these being above the snow line. 
The peculiar nature of the relief called for special treatment of 
the intermediate contours. The relatively slight but yet impor- 
tant relief at high altitudes demanded that these be inserted at 
every 200 meters above 3,000 meters in accordance with the 
international scheme. This has been done everywhere through- 
out the sheet for all parts above 3,000 meters (save in the Cor- 
dillera Real in a few spots where there was not room to draw the 
lines). Below 3,000 meters, where the postulated contour inter- 
val changes to 100 meters, the slopes in many parts of the map 
— especially in the east — are so steep that contours at this ver- 
tical interval would obscure the hypsometric tints. Moreover, 
in many areas the data are insufficient for their insertion. These 
contours have therefore been inserted only where they were 
called for to bring out special features. But the 100, 200, 500, 
and 700 meter lines, which are required as the limits of tinted 
areas, have been drawn throughout. 

Not the least difficult part of the compilation of such a map 
as this is the selection of names. Names of all sorts occurring 
in original surveys used have been accepted with certain altera- 
tions in spelling. Otherwise names of physical features have 
for the most part been culled from the compiled maps mentioned 
in the list, and in cases where these maps disagree preference 
has been given to the map whose source seemed to be most 
authoritative in the particular area in question. Some help 
was also obtained in this work from the various official gazetteers 
of Bolivia, Chile, and Peru. In regard to the names of towns, 
villages, and settlements an effort was made to base the selection 
in the main upon the census reports of the three countries with 
some additional aid in the case of Bolivia, from the "Diccionario 
Geografico de Bolivia"; the intention being to eliminate names 
which applied to the smallest centers of population, such as iso- 
lated farms, and to obtain a more or less rigid grading in the 
importance of names. But the effort proved almost fruitless in 
that the documents mentioned give insufficient details. The 
only other course has therefore been followed, namely, to insert 



8 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

as many place names as possible without marring the other 
features of the map. Moreover, the grading indicated in the 
legend can be accepted only as generally accurate. 

All names on the La Paz sheet are either Spanish or Indian, 
and of the latter all save a small number on the eastern slopes 
of the Andes are either Quichua or Aymara. The Indian names 
are given in the conventional Spanish transliteration. But it 
must be remembered that the Spanish alphabet has no means of 
representing accurately a number of Indian sounds. This is 
specially true of the gutturals, and the compilers have diverged 
from Spanish forms in one respect, to introduce the kh as repre- 
senting more accurately one class of Indian consonant. 

The bathymetric lines were interpolated from the soundings 
given on the charts supplemented by soundings from the volumes 
published between 1910 and 1920 in connection with the Carte 
Gen6rale Bathymetrique des Oceans. Submarine cables have 
been inserted in accordance with official data. 

Maps Used in the Construction of the La Paz Sheet* 

1. La Laguna de Titicaca and the valleys of Yucay, Collao and 

Desaguadero in Peru and Bolivia by J. B. Pentland from 
surveys 1827-30. Published as a British Admiralty chart. 

2. Carte generate de la Republique de Bolivia, by Alcide 

d'Orbigny from itineraries 1830-33. Ca. 1:1,575,000. 
Published in his "Voyage dans TAmerique meridionale," 
Paris, 1835-47 

3. Itineraries et coupe geologique a travers le continent de 

TAmerique du Sud. Ca. 1 : 250,000. Francis de Castelnau. 
1852. 

4. Map of part of Bolivia from surveys of John B. Minchin. 

1:850,000. Published with a paper by G. C. Musters, 
Journ. Royal Geogr. Soc, London, 1877. 

5. Mapa de los Rios Beni y Yacuma segun las exploraciones del 

Dr. Eduardo R. Heath, 1879-1881, completado por L. 
Garcia Mesa. 1:800,000. 1903. (Unpublished.) 

2 The La Paz sheet was compiled under my direction by Mr. William A. Briese- 
meister of the staff of the American Geographical Society. 



THE LA PAZ SHEET 9 

6. Part of the Bolivian table land. Ca. 1:1,100,000. By John 

B. Minchin. Proc. Royal Geogr. Soc, London, 1882. 

7. Mapa del Peru. 1:500,000. A. Raimondi. Sheets 29, 30, 31, 

32. 1889 onwards. 

8. French Admiralty chart 3337. (1894.) 

9. The Cordillera Real, Bolivia. From a triangulation and 

plane table survey (1898) by Sir Martin Conway, and 
other documents. 1:500,000. Geogr. Journ., Vol. 15, 
1900. 

10. Piano de la Ciudad de Oruro. 1 : 10,000. Diccionario Geo- 

grafico de la Republica de Bolivia. Tomo 4. Departa- 
mento de Oruro. 1902. 

11. Regions des Hauts Plateaux de l'Amerique du Sud. Carte 

dressee par Victor Huot d'apres lesTravaux des Membres 
de la Mission Crequi-Montfort et Senechal de la Grange, 
etc. 1 : 750,000. Paris, 1903. 

12. Part of the survey by the French "Mission Schrader," 

1:200,000, between La Paz and Lake Titicaca. Ca. 
1904. (Unpublished.) 

13. (a) Routenkarte der Expedition Steinmann, Hoek und von 

Bistram in den Anden von Bolivien. 1: 750,000. 
(b) Umgegend von Cochabamba. 1 : 3,750,000. Surveyed 
1903-04. Published in Petermanus Mitt., .Vol. 52, 1906. 

14. Proyecto preliminar de un camino de Herradura de la Paz 

a Puerto Pando por Julio Knaudt. 1:250,000. 1904. (Un- 
published.) 

15. Carte bathymetrique du Lac Titicaca, 1: 525,000; Carte 

bathym6trique du Lac Poopo, 1: 420,000; dressees par le 
Dr. M. Neveu-Lemaire. Published in "Les Lacs des 
Hauts Plateaux," Paris, 1906. 

16. Proyecto de Istunchaca. 1:200,000. Reduction del piano 

del ingeniero Carter del afio 1848. Published in Bol. 
Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peril No. 45, 1906. 

17. Oficina Hidrografica Chile. Chart No. 128. 1906. 

18. Mapa Hidrologico (coast of Peru). 1:1,000,000. In Bol. 

Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peril No. 45, 1906. 



io THE CENTRAL ANDES 

19. Croquis geografico de la region estudiada por la Comision 

Hidrologica de Moquegua, 1 : 500,000, por H. C. Hurd. In 
Bol. Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peru No. jp, 1906. 

20. Piano topografico de la cuenca hidrogranca de la region de 

Salinas. 1:100,000 and 1:20,000. Published in Bol. 
Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peru No. 49, 1907. 

21. Surveys of the Comision Chilena de L unites, 3 sheets, 

i7°-20° S. 1:250,000. 1908 and 1912. 

22. Mapa de los Pampas y Borde Occidental de la Cordillera 

de los Departamen tos de lea, Arequipa, Moquegua y 
Tacna. 1:500,000. V. F. Marsters. Published in Bol. 
Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peru No. jo, 1909. 

23. Correccion del Rio Rocha. 1:25,000. Julio Knaudt. La 

Paz, 1910. 

24. Piano general del Rio Desaguadero. 1:633,000. Julio 

Bergelund. Published in Bol. Soc. Geogr. de Lima, Vol. 
26, 1910. 

25. Map of the islands of Titicaca. Ca. 1:33,333. Adolph F. 

Bandelier. Published in "The Islands of Titicaca and 
Koati," New York, 1910. 

26. South Peru and north Bolivia. 1:2,000,000. Geogr. Journ., 

Vol. 34, 1910. 

27. (a) Chile. 1:500,000, 2 sheets (i7°-2i° S.); (b) Chile with 

part of Bolivia. 1:1,000,000. Both published by the 
Chilean Oficina de Mensura de Tierras. 1910. 

28. Reconocimiento de los Rios La Paz, Palca, Luribay y Araca 

por R. Capriles. 1 : 400,000. Direcc. Gen. Obras Publicas, 
1911. 

29. Mapa telegrafico de Bolivia. 1:2,400,000. 191 1. 

30. Canalizacion del Rio Rocha. 1:100,000. Ca. 1912. (Un- 

published.) 

31. Route survey, Challapata to Colquechaca. 1: 250,000. A. 

P. Rogers. (Unpublished.) 

32. Piano general minero de la Provincia Bustillo. 1 : 20,000. 

Cuerpo Nacional de Minas e Servicio Departamental, 
La Paz, 1912. 



THE LA PAZ SHEET n 

33. Piano de la Ciudad de La Paz. 1:60,000. By J. S. Castagne. 

1912. 

34. Mapa mineralogico de los Departamentos de Oruro, La Paz, 

Potosi e Cochabamba. (4 maps.) 1:1,000,000. 1912. 

35. Mapa del Peru. 1:1,500,000. Sociedad Geografica de Lima, 

1912. 

36. Ferrocarril Antofagasta a Bolivia, Ramal Potosi. 1 : 400,000. 

Published in Memorias de Gobierno y Fomento, La Paz, 
1912. 

37. British Admiralty charts 1282 (1913), 1278 (1915). 

38. (a) Die bolivische Ostkordillere, westlicherTeil. 1:500,000. 
(b) Die Quimzacruz-Kordillere. 1 : 200,000. Theodor Her- 

zog. Petermanns Mitt. Vol. 59, I, 1913. 

39. Mapa del surTeru y parte de Bolivia. 1:1,000,000. F. A. 

Corry. 1913. (Unpublished.) 

40. Mapa del sur del Peru y parte de Bolivia. 1 : 500,000. F. A. 

Corry. Ca. 1913. (Unpublished.) 

41. Sketch map to illustrate the explorations of Major P. H. 

Fawcett, R. G. A. in 1913-14. 1 : 3,000,000. Geogr. Journ., 
Vol. 45, 1915. 

42. U. S. Hydrographic Office charts, 1565 (1914), 11 99 (19 15), 

1219 (1917), 1253 (1917), 1203 (1919), 1218 (1919). 
1 156 (1920), 1566 (1920). 

43. Maps showing constructed portion of the La Paz-Yungas 

railway. 1 :io,ooo. Ape n dice a la memoria presentada a. 
la legislatura. 1916-1918. 

44. Ferro-Carril de Arica a La Paz. 1 : 250,000. Ca. 1916. 

(Unpublished.) 

45. Mapa de Bolivia. 1:1,000,000. Eduardo Idiaquez. Ca. 

1918. (Unpublished.) 

46. Corocoro mining district. 1 : 100,000. Reproduced in "The 

Mineral Deposits of South America, "by Miller and Singe- 
wald, New York, 1919. 

47. Trazo proyectada del ferrocarril de Arequipa a. Salinas. 

1 : 200,000. Anales del Congreso Nacional de la Industria 
Minera, Vol. 5, 1919. Lima. 



12 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

48. Mapa del Departamento de La Paz. 1 : 750,000. Eduardo 

Idiaquez. 1919. 

49. Mapa del ferrocarril de Oruro a Cochabamba. 1 : 400,000. 

1920. (Unpublished.) 

50. Itinerario a traves de los Departamentos de Oruro, Potosi y 

Chuquisaca. 1 : 500,000. Adolfo Siles. Bol. Soc. Geogr. 
de La Paz., Vol. 28, 1920. 

51. Reconnaissance map showing country between La Paz and 

Yungas by the Antofagasta a Bolivia Railway Company. 
1 : 100,000. (Unpublished.) 

52. Plan of Lake Titicaca and Desaguadero River, by the 

Peruvian Corporation. 1:250,000. (Unpublished.) 

53. Plan of an Automobile Road, Eucalyptus to Caracoles 

mines. 1 : 250,000. (Unpublished.) 

54. Distrito salitrero de Tarapaca. 1 : 400,000. 

55. Reconocimiento para un ferrocarril en la Republica de 

Bolivia entre Puerto Salinas (Rio Beni) y Coripata. 1 : 20,- 
000. (Unpublished.) 

56. Carte generate bathymetrique des oceans. Albert I, Prince 

of Monaco. 2nd edit. 1913. 



PART TWO 

CHAPTER I 
GENERAL VIEW 

Three events in the physical history of the land covered by the 
La Paz sheet have been of chief importance in determining the 
distribution of life and the activities of man in the area. 

The first is the upheaval of a block of the earth's crust of such 
great width and to so great an altitude. From this results a rare 
atmosphere over most of the surface and a climate which is very 
dry, save on the eastern slopes of the Andes and which is also 
cold in all but the two small sections of low altitude. These cli- 
matic conditions restrict the natural vegetation, the possibilities 
of agriculture, and consequently the density of the population; 
while the great difference of altitude between the highlands and 
the marginal lowlands discourages movement from one to the 
other. 

The second feature is the mineralization of the rocks forming 
the cordillera which took place both before and during the up- 
heaval of the highlands. One result of this has been to raise the 
number of inhabitants considerably above the normal for such a 
region; moreover, the mineral wealth of these cordilleras has 
greatly increased their importance to the outside world from the 
Spanish Conquest right down to our own time. 

Thirdly, there is the fact that prior to the great upheaval of the 
land a large part of it — the eastern section — had undergone a 
long period of denudation and another large part — the western 
section — had been covered with great lava sheets. This accounts 
for the relative smoothness of the greater part of the highland 
surface. Save for the volcanic cones and occasional residual 
ranges the core of the high block presents few serious obstacles 
to free movement, be it of air, plant, beast, or man. Further, it 



14 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

is to the intensive erosion in the eastern part that we owe the 
discovery at the surface and the easy mining of the various 
minerals. All other facts which we shall have occasion to state 
will prove to be of less general importance than these three. 

The section of the Andes between latitude i6° and 20 S. can 
be described briefly as a greatly elevated peneplane formed upon 
disordered rocks, mostly sedimentary, with a northwest-southeast 
strike. The peneplane, which bears an important residual range 
— the Cordillera Real — near its northeastern edge, is warped 
down and probably also broken by normal faulting on both 
margins, forming the two flanks of the Andes; and the central 
portion of it — the Altiplano — stands at a lower level than its two 
rims, probably on account of trough faults, thus forming a basin 
of interior drainage with its lowest portion in the southeast. 
The western rim of the elevated peneplane has been subjected 
to warping and fracturing in various parts, so that it is not every- 
where as striking a feature as it is, for instance, in the extreme 
south of the area. Moreover, it is surmounted by an almost 
continuous chain of volcanic peaks, forming the Maritime 
Cordillera, while lava flows and volcanic detritus cloak the 
western margin of the Altiplano. Both flanks of the Andes are 
deeply scored by valleys eroded during and since the uplift of 
the land. In the west this dissection is much less complete than 
on the east, where the rainfall is very much greater. On both 
flanks, but especially in the east, the summits and valleys bear 
the marks left by the Pleistocene glaciation. As a result of this 
dissection the flanks of the Andes are bordered by extensive, 
gently sloping, piedmont surfaces. On the northeastern side 
only a small portion of these is included in the area; but on the 
Pacific side they form a continuous and important band in some 
parts reaching to the coastal hills. These last represent the 
broken remnants of a greatly denuded surface formed on dis- 
ordered rocks, for the most part crystalline. They can probably 
be taken to be the vestiges of a crustal block now foundered to 
an abyssal depth in the Pacific Ocean. 

On account of the long denudation which preceded the main 



GENERAL VIEW 15 

uplift of the Andes the geological composition and structure 
have been of relatively small importance in determining the 
relief in its major aspects. The chief exceptions to this are the 
two main Cordilleras: the Western, where the surface features 
conform closely to the rock structure of the young volcanoes and 
lava flows, and the Cordillera Real where a hard granitic core 
amongst the folded shales and sandstones has preserved the 
crest of this range from the fate of the surrounding country. 

But the composition and structure of the crust have an 
important bearing upon the most fruitful source of wealth to the 
country — its minerals. The granitic core of the Eastern Cor- 
dillera, as well as some of its shales, appear to be streaked with 
threads of gold too small to be economically worked in situ but 
yielding sure returns to the placer miners in the gravel deposits 
of the valleys; and innumerable fissures have become filled with 
rich ores of silver, tin, antimony, and bismuth. The crumpled 
sandstones and other sediments of the Altiplano have been 
broken along a line running northwest-southeast by an intrusion 
of diorite, which appears at the surface today in chains of low 
hills; and with this intrusion is associated one of the largest 
known deposits of native copper. 

The volcanic activity in piling up the summits of the Western 
Cordillera has brought to the surface quantities of native 
sulphur, while the association of volcanic vents and lakes has 
resulted in the formation of borax in a number of intermont 
basins, and perhaps a somewhat similar cause will ultimately be 
held to account for the nitrates of the western piedmont. Both 
of these soluble compounds owe their preservation to the intense 
dryness of the climate of the region in which they occur. The 
existence of the interior basin in the highlands and its relative 
aridity account for the immense deposits of salt which cover its 
lowest expanses. 

The map area lies to the north of the Tropic of Capricorn ; and 
if it were a flat lowland its temperature, humidity, wind, and 
rainfall conditions would vary directly and uniformly with the 
apparent movement of the sun. The thermal equator and the 



16 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

equatorial rains would follow the sun and pass over the area 
twice annually, moving southward in the end of November 
and again northward early in January. And during all but the 
height of summer the southeast trade winds would blow over 
the land. This theoretical condition is greatly modified however 
by the shape of South America and by the existence of the 
Andes. Owing to the relative narrowness of the continent in 
these latitudes, to the height and width of the Andes, and to the 
nearness of the Pacific Ocean with a cold coastal current, neither 
the thermal equator nor the equatorial rains ever reach the area, 
and the trade winds do not blow with their accustomed regu- 
larity. Still, the hottest period of the year for all parts of the 
area is between November and January, the coldest is in June 
or July, and the rainy season is from November to March. 
Probably the ultimate origin of most of the moisture, save on the 
Pacific slope, is the Atlantic Ocean; and the bulk of the precipi- 
tation is from the trade winds, as they are forced up the eastern 
flanks of the Andes, so that the only really wet part of the area 
is its northeastern corner. 

The main climatic characteristics of the highlands are low 
precipitation and a great daily range of temperature, the thin 
air and high percentage of clear days promoting rapid heating by 
day and cooling by night. These highlands are classed among the 
semideserts of the world. The prevailing winds on the coast are 
south or southwest — more or less from the ocean, but in view of 
the high temperature inland they bring but little rain. The 
most they are able to provide as a palliative to the hot desert 
climate of the lowlands is a prevalent fog bank on the seaward 
slope of the coastal hills. 

We shall see that the geological history of the Central Andes 
has a good deal to do with the nature of the existing flora and 
fauna, that is to say with the reason for the presence of certain 
species and the absence of others. But the present climatic divi- 
sion of the land accounts sufficiently for the zonal arrangement 
of the vegetation, while the more detailed distribution within the 
zones is determined in part by the soil and water supply. The 



GENERAL VIEW 17 

hot wet zone of the northeastern flank is occupied by dense 
tropical forest, most luxuriant at the foot, becoming less so 
upwards to the cold tree line at about 3,500 meters. Physiologic 
dryness which stunts vegetation may be effected by cold or 
simply by absence of water. This eastern tree line is determined 
by the first and probably also by wind. In the huge expanse 
of the high plateaus trees other than occasional plantations are 
extremely rare. It is the Puna country, covered naturally by 
low shrubs, mosses, and bunch grass but totally bare of vege- 
tation where the soil is intensely salt. In the main the humble 
nature of the vegetation is accounted for by a combination of 
low temperature, wind, and absence of sufficient water. Super- 
ficially there is little change in the character of the vegetation 
down the western flank of the Andes, but closer examination 
shows that here the poverty is due more to real absence of water. 
The western foot of the Cordillera is marked by transition in 
most parts to complete desert, which continues o\er the lowland 
to the coastal hills and is broken only by the verdure bordering 
the sparse streams — permanent and intermittent. The coastal 
hills, or Lomas ("backs"), with their mantle of fog and occasional 
rains, support a winter vegetation of grasses and shrubs. 

The Andean highlands have been occupied for an unknown 
period by a sedentary Indian population engaged primarily in 
agriculture but dependent also on the more ancient pastoral 
pursuits of their less settled ancestors; while, as culture pro- 
gressed from the settlement onwards, the Indians gradually 
gained a knowledge of mining and metal working. In this, as in 
their methods of agriculture and standard of living, they had 
already reached a relatively high level under the despotism of the 
Incas before the coming of the Spanish conquerors in the six- 
teenth century. But this culture was restricted to the plateaus 
and to the few spots on the coastal lowland where irrigation was 
possible. The Quichua and Aymara tribes to which these 
Indians belong do not extend far down to the forested valleys 
and lowlands of the northeast, which are sparsely peopled by 
the much more primitive groups of Amazonian Indians. Today 



18 THE, CENTRAL ANDES 

the total population of the area is about 828,000 or 3.6 per square 
kilometer (9.3 per square mile) ; but it is by no means evenly 
distributed. It is densest in the lower parts of the plateau coun- 
try such as the basins of Arequipa in the northwest and Cocha- 
bamba in the east, where low temperatures are infrequent and 
where irrigation can be practiced on good soil. In the upper 
parts of the eastern valleys and in the mining districts all of the 
most valuable agricultural land is held by the descendants of the 
Spanish conqiiistadores who represent but a small proportion of 
the total population, the estates being worked by the peon labor 
of the Indians. Some agricultural land is still held by Indian 
communities, but this for the most part is in the less favorable 
localities. 

In view of the physical conditions briefly set forth above it is 
easy to understand that the map area is divisible into well marked 
natural regions and that these consist of a number of parallel 
belts following the general trend of the Andes from northwest to 
southeast (see Fig. 5). It will be useful to summarize at this 
stage the salient impressions of a traveler who follows each of 
these zones through their entire length in this area and to note 
the outstanding changes he would observe in passing from one 
region to the other. 

From the deck of a vessel coasting along the almost harborless 
Pacific seaboard the observer is struck with the inhospitable 
appearance of the coast. A recent upheaval of the land has left 
everywhere a wave-cut terrace ranging in width from several 
kilometers in the north to a few meters in the south. Behind 
this rise the Lomas, or coastal hills, with numerous deep ravines 
and sparse verdure, to be seen only in winter. The aspect south 
of Arica is exceptionally forbidding (see Fig. 1). The coast is 
bold and precipitous broken only by the few deep gashes of the 
streams many of which carry no water for years at a stretch. 
The coastal escarpment, with an average height of 700 meters 
and rising in places over 1,000 meters, while maintained by the 
attack of the waves, can scarcely be due primarily to this. It 
is probably a modified fault plane which marks the break be- 



GENERAL VIEW 19 

tween an old land and the Pacific abyss. Apart from the canyon 
mouths the coast is low only in two short sections, in the alluvial 
flat at the mouth of the Tambo and near Arica. On the Pampa 
of Tambo there is sufficient water to support a number of villages 
and farms. But elsewhere agricultural activities are restricted 
to isolated farms at wide intervals. Otherwise population is 
clustered in the ports, mere roadsteads with little shelter but 
each at the end of a railway. Three of them — Arica, Pisagua, 
and Caleta Buena — are of great importance to the interior, the 
first as the terminus of the most direct railroad to the Altiplano, 
and the others — crowded on to a narrow shelf at the foot of 
very steep slopes with local precipices — from their export of 
nitrates. These are mined on the Pampa behind and brought 
by rail over the rugged Lomas and, in the case of Caleta Buena, 
lowered down the 800 meters of cliff by a cable way. 

Between the Lomas and the Andes lies the long belt of desert, 
to which is given locally the name "Pampa." But it is a very 
different pampa from the huge grassy plains of central Argentina. 
It is part of a continuous strip of desert extending from central 
Chile to a point some 80 miles beyond the western edge of the 
map area and continuing in patches to the northern limit of 
Peru. For the most part it is absolute desert and, except for 
widely separated river beds, is never better than semidesert 
with an exceedingly sparse cover of drought-resisting grasses. 
This piedmont surface between the quebradas is smooth or rolling, 
and rises slowly to east and northeast. Its soil varies from fine 
sand to coarse and angular rock fragments, the former being 
more characteristic of the lower and the latter of the higher 
parts. The surface layers are impregnated with salts to a 
greater or less degree. In most parts the lomas' crest is higher 
than the lower edge of the piedmont and overlooks it; but in 
places, such as north of Pisagua, there is a steady descent from 
the foot of the Andes to the cliff tops on the coast. The desert 
surface is roughened here and there by low hills which appear 
to be recent lava flows that have issued in general from local 
vents. Where the surface deposits contain much sand this is 



20 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

blown by the prevailing southerly wind and built into crescentic 
moving dunes. Throughout the whole stretch the Cordillera 
forms the distant horizon; and it frequently presents a strikingly 
smooth edge — generally the line along which the uplifted pene- 
plane has been warped up to form the highlands, but often the 
summit of a great mass of accumulated lava flows that obscure 
the older and rougher topography. In such places only the 
summit of the highest volcanoes, which stand farther back, 
appear to break the monotony of the crest line. In other places, 
as northeast of Arica, peaks like Tacora and Taapaca rise upon 
the western brink of the high plateau. The traveler through the 
desert zone finds few evidences of life of any sort. For long 
stretches between valleys there is no water. But where the 
valleys carry streams which permanently reach the piedmont 
there are thinly peopled settlements along their banks, each 
with its small fields of alfalfa or vegetables making the most 
of the shade provided by plantations of willow and chanar trees. 
Two such settlements near the lower limit of abundant water 
are the towns of Moquegua and Tacna, each lying beside a wide 
alluvial valley. These are veritable oases, and their importance 
as market towns serving many valleys above them is marked by 
their connection by rail with the ports of Ilo and Arica respec- 
tively. But by far the largest population of the zone is found 
in the nitrate fields of the south. These lie in complete desert, 
unlovely groups of barracks, vats, and railroad sidings dumped 
on the sun-baked pampa around the flat salars. The climate has 
allowed the nitrates to form and remain, and the workers in this 
surprising hive of industry have to put up with the climate while 
nearly all their food is brought to them from outside, and all of 
their most precious water has either to be pumped from wells 
carefully placed and sunk so as to be untainted by the salts 
or piped from distant springs and streams in the piedmont. 

The Western, or Maritime, Cordillera forms a belt within 
our area of 575 kilometers (some 360 miles) in length and is 
rarely much less than 125 kilometers (some 80 miles) in width, 
if we take the 1,500-meter contour as its foot. The landscape 



GENERAL VIEW 21 

in this belt includes elements of great regularity which cannot 
be lost sight of — the smoothness of the western flank which is the 
warped portion of the peneplane above mentioned, the strong 
"family likeness" which all the steep-walled ravines and gorges 
incised on this flank bear to one another, and so on. But it is 
the supreme irregularity of the peaks together with their barren 
grandeur which most impresses the traveler. The belt of summits 
is no system of parallel ridges and valleys which may be looked 
for in most of the world's great mountain chains. Rather does it 
resemble some gigantic breastwork hurriedly built of any ma- 
terials which came to hand, the large and the small mixed indis- 
criminately. The atmospheric elements of denudation can be 
trusted to work to a plan; so can most of the great mountain- 
building forces. But we are here reminded that geologists have 
no basis for forecasting the nature and the scale of the out- 
pourings of volcanism. For all of these peaks are volcanoes old 
or new, and within the limits of their zone they seem to conform 
to no plan of distribution. Large and small mountains stand 
side by side, and if they stood upon a low plain instead of on the 
brink of a high plateau they would scarcely merit the name of 
cordillera. Again, while all are "volcanic" peaks we must not 
suppose that they are necessarily symmetrical cones surmounted 
by craters. Many have this form indeed, such as El Misti, 
Tacora, and Sajama; but these are the youngest. The older 
members of the family have more or less lost their original 
shape under the influence of erosion. But, speaking generally, 
the slopes in the Western Cordillera are more or less the original 
slopes of deposit, whether of the lava flows or of the agglomerates 
and ash beds which have fallen round some center of eruption 
(see Fig. 36, page 167). 

So much for the form of the landscape. The other important 
element — color — is supplied not so much by the vegetation, as 
in more humid districts, but by the rocks themselves. These 
are painted again and again in the most vivid tints and with 
the finest mineral pigments from the purples and reds and pinks 
of the lavas to the pure yellow of the sulphur; two important 



22 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

elements are the gleaming white of salt or borax crusts, which 
frequently fill the hollows, and the snows on the peaks themselves. 

The Cordillera is not a desert like the piedmont. The western 
flank and the lower slopes of many of the volcanoes themselves 
are clothed, although the cover is rarely complete. The traveler 
climbing from the west passes through a thirsty scrub dotted 
about with cacti of the candelabrum and pillar variety, which 
here and there close up to form a low cactus forest. Higher up 
the vegetation is also limited to scrub, but this time of tola and 
yareta with stretches of a pampa grass, and in many of the high 
valleys are grassy swards. A journey from end to end of this 
Cordillera is perfectly feasible, but it would be slow and would 
follow a very sinuous trail, and it is safe to say that no man has 
ever made it. Nowhere would animals be far from pasture or 
water. Groups of Indian habitations, all of the humblest variety, 
lie in nooks and corners everywhere throughout the entire range. 
The Indians are mainly occupied with the growing of crops, 
especially of potatoes and quinoa, sufficient for their sustenance. 
But they are also the owners of llama herds which they hire for 
the transport of ore and merchandise. Here and there they 
gather sulphur and borax and salt; and this, together with fuel 
consisting of scrub and llama dung, they carry on the backs of 
the llamas to the piedmont villages of the lowland. Thus they 
are able to satisfy the balance of their modest requirements. 

The major part of the Altiplano falls within the map area, but 
it extends beyond the limits for some 200 kilometers to the 
northwest and 300 kilometers to the south. Its eastern edge is 
well defined by the sharp rise and straight front of the Eastern 
Cordillera; but the western margin is less clearly cut for the 
reason aforementioned, that the volcanic debris has encroached 
upon it and forms hilly districts of irregular outline. Moreover, 
in the south the plateau is divided into two basins of interior 
drainage by a line of volcanoes and hills extending from the 
Western nearly to the Eastern Cordillera. 

Little is known of the country west of Lake Titicaca, but it 
seems probable that it consists of a plateau so much dissected by 



GENERAL VIEW 23 

valleys as to have the appearance of a mountainous region. It 
probably is a part of the raised peneplane on which the volcanoes 
have been built farther west. In any case it is distinct in 
character from the Altiplano, which is lower and smoother, 
so that almost the entire width of the interior basin is here 
occupied by the waters of the lake. The Altiplano differs from 
most of the interior basins of the world in that it possesses a 
large, deep lake of fresh water — Titicaca — and an important 
permanent river drainage — the Desaguadero (see Fig. 2). 
This is accounted for by the existence of a deep tectonic depres- 
sion to hold the water in close proximity to a high mountain 
range to windward which keeps it supplied with water. South- 
wards the Altiplano becomes more and more typical of other 
interior semideserts; for the windward mountains become lower, 
so that they condense less moisture. They also quickly become 
immensely broader, so that the precipitation is more widely 
distributed. But most important of all is the fact, in part 
accounted for by these conditions, that south of Titicaca all 
important streams flow eastward from the drier Western Cor- 
dillera and not from the Eastern Cordillera, which receives the 
heavy rainfall. Thus it is not surprising to find that the Desa- 
guadero, with but one affluent of importance — the Mauri — 
and an aridity increasing southward, grows smaller downstream 
and feeds only a shallow water body — Lake Poopo. From this 
there is only a small outflow to a salt lake or swamp — Coipasa — 
on the fringe of the huge expanse of salt crust almost perma- 
nently dry. South of. the volcanic barrier which separates the 
salars of Coipasa and Uyuni there are no fresh-water lakes and 
no permanent streams on the plateau. 

The traveler in the course of a journey over the Altiplano from 
Titicaca southward is struck by a monotony of landscape almost 
as complete as in the case of the piedmont desert of the Pacific 
slope. It is true that in the south there are the lines of barren 
volcanic cones and at their foot the huge flat salars which have 
their own glistening monotony, and again there is the wide sheet 
of Poop6 with its marshy rim. But save for these one bit of the 



24 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

immense plateau is like another. It is a rolling plain, almost 
bare of trees and in many parts bare even of scrub. But more 
generally it is covered with tola and yareta bushes, coarse grass, 
and other humble plants. It is swept by winds and often by 
dust storms. The higher swellings of the plain are the rough 
edges of the harder rocks which have withstood the attacks of 
erosion; and these are frequently kept bare of soil by the wind. 
Much of the soil of the lower parts is impregnated with salt. 
1 1 is primarily a pastoral country, and large droves of llamas and 
sheep with occasional flocks of alpacas give the chief touch of 
life to the scene; or the long strings of llamas and donkeys laden 
with ore, fuel, or merchandise, resembling the camel caravans 
of Africa or Asia. But the owners of the llamas are also farmers 
in a small way. Villages, or rather groups of huts, may be 
found in almost any sheltered spot where the soil may be tilled; 
and there will be the potato, oca, and quinoa patches of the 
Indians with perhaps haba beans and a little barley raised for 
straw. There are many signs of early mining operations all over 
the plateau ; but two centers now eclipse all others in importance, 
Corocoro in the middle of the Altiplano and Oruro at its eastern 
edge. Apart from Oruro this margin has many groups of rela- 
tively dense population each occupying a small area of irrigable 
land at the mountain foot. 

Near Titicaca the scene changes. Steep slopes approach the 
lake and alternate sharply with carefully tilled patches of good 
land, while even the slopes where not too rocky are terraced and 
cultivated (see Fig. 3). Villages with trees and churches are 
near together, and the traveler has the feeling of being in an 
inhabited country. The hilly peninsulas — Copacabana and 
Huata — thrust forward and almost sever the lower lake from the 
main depression of Titicaca. The connecting strait is flanked by 
steep precipices. The scene is one of great beauty and wants 
only woods to make it rival the charm of the Italian lakes. For 
all the other elements are there, the islands, the steep terraced 
slopes, the rugged rocks, and the villages clustering picturesquely 
in nooks and hollows. Moreover, there is the alpine background, 



GENERAL VIEW 25 

for the great chain of the Cordillera Real rears its gleaming 
summits with cloud banners and hanging glaciers against a sky 
which is nearly always blue. 

The northern end of the Altiplano was the cradle of an ancient 
civilization which has left as its only evidence wonderful mega- 
lithic structures, the ruins of its temples and dwellings. Lake 
Titicaca and its neighborhood again was one of the chief centers 
of the later Inca civilization. Today, as then, the shores of 
Titicaca are more densely peopled than most other parts of 
Bolivia, while the situation of La Paz near by marks it as the 
real heart of the Republic, although close to its western frontier. 

East of Titicaca the plateau rises gently over a piedmont to 
the foot of the Cordillera Real. But for the traveler who makes 
his way by road v or rail eastward from the lake's outlet by the 
valley of the Rio de Tiahuanaco a surprise is in store. He has 
barely reached the rising piedmont when he finds himself on the 
brink of a wide chasm separating him from the mountain front. 
This is the valley of the La Paz River, and the city of La Paz 
is spread over its floor and lower slopes six hundred meters 
beneath him. He may follow this canyon lip southeastward for 
nearly forty miles (60 km.) with the river bed deepening all the 
way (see Fig. 4), and then he must continue for nearly fifty 
miles more around the southern ramifications of the La Paz 
valley before he can start the ascent of the Cordillera. This 
great slice has been cut from the Altiplano by the La Paz River 
which is a head stream of one of the great tributaries of the 
Amazon, the Rio Madeira. So great is the erosive power of water 
fed by continuous condensation on the windward slope of the 
Andes that the Amazon has been able to break the resistance of 
one of the most powerful bulwarks of the Cordillera and so to 
begin the attack upon the interior basin of the Altiplano. The 
scale and grandeur of this evidence of power cannot fail to im- 
press the man who stands for the first time on the Alto of La 
Paz and sees below him a world apart. We shall see, however, 
that in spite of its apparent separation from the world above the 
inhabitants of La Paz valley cling to the links which bind them 



26 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 




~ o 
o o 

— 0J 

•a, a 
'.3 <" 

<5 



«0h 



GENERAL VIEW 27 

to the Altiplano with its inhospitable climate and to the Pacific, 
and not to the soft and luxuriant world immediately below and 
the far distant Atlantic. The explanation of this lies in the fact 
that the people came from the plateau, as well as in the nature 
of the Cordillera and the plains to the east of them. 

The Eastern Cordillera in the area of the map falls into two 
quite different divisions, a northern section where it is relatively 
narrow and a southern where it is wide. The inner margin of the 
northern section runs from northwest to southeast while that of 
the southern is oriented nearly north-south. In the north the 
map includes practically a complete cross section of the Cordil- 
lera; but south of latitude 17 barely one quarter is included. 
The consequences of this division are many and important. The 
original character of an uplifted peneplane has been almost 
completely destroyed in the north, for the concentration of the 
rainfall in a narrow belt and the relatively steep gradient of the 
initial rivers have combined to enable these streams to cut the 
old surface to pieces. Moreover, the Cordillera Real even at 
the time when the peneplane surface had been developed else- 
where remained as a high range of hills above it. 

In the more southerly division perhaps the most striking 
feature is the general accordance of level of the summits and the 
complete absence of important peaks above the general summit 
level. At the highest altitudes, then, the old peneplane is in 
evidence, though by far the greatest part of the surface is hilly. 
The slopes are gentle and the valleys wide. This surface seems 
to have been formed by a long period of erosion after the pene- 
plane had been raised but long before it was pushed up to its 
present level. In places, as about Cochabamba, the surface has 
been warped or faulted down and the hollows are now filled with 
detritus, providing a rich soil which is occupied by the densest 
agricultural population in Bolivia. The process of rapid dis- 
section, which has gone so far since the great Andean uplift in 
the northern part of the Eastern Cordillera, has affected the 
southern division only on its outer edge — in the northeastern 
corner of the sheet — and where the main head streams of great 



28 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

rivers such as the Grande and Pilcomayo have cut their beds in 
narrow gorges; and even these have barely touched the area 
included in the map. 

Thus the two mountain areas are strongly contrasted in their 
form, the northern being a region of tremendous declivities, 
sharp spurs, and swift rivers, while the southern consists almost 
entirely of wide hilly plateaus and graded rivers. Furthermore, 
there is a great difference of climate, already alluded to, the 
north receiving almost daily rain — or snow near the summit — 
the valleys constantly humid and lying for much of every day 
under great rolling clouds. In the south rainfall is much lighter, 
and save on the outer edge there are no hot and humid valleys. 
The valleys and basins of this section have perhaps the most 
delightful climate in South America. It is that of almost per- 
petual spring. All the products of temperate lands and many of 
the fruits of the tropical lowlands will grow there. Moreover, 
there is much good pasture on the valley slopes. But on the 
higher parts conditions are even more rigorous than on the 
Altiplano. A humble scrubby vegetation and sparse Indian 
settlements hugging the sheltered hollows in general are the 
signs of life on this hilly upland. But there remain the mines. 
Colquechaca, Uncia, and Huanuni are three of the most impor- 
tant centers of tin-mining in the world. 

The La Paz River makes its break in the Cordillera Real in an 
immense gorge over twelve miles (20 km.) across in an air line 
from peak to peak and 3,500 meters deep, its slopes being ex- 
ceedingly steep in the lower part and more gentle above. North 
and south of this gorge the range has been heavily glaciated and 
in all respects is thoroughly alpine in character. Snow-clad 
peaks and sharp aretes rise from rounded cirques and lake- 
studded, troughlike valleys, in many of which small glaciers 
still remain. Mines of gold and silver and tin are worked at a 
number of points along the slopes even up to the snow line, and 
for every mine now open there are remains of many others; 
while scattered Indians cultivate their patches in most inhos- 
pitable spots even close to the snows. 



GENERAL VIEW 



29 




20 21 



Fig. S — Natural regions of the Central Andes. 

1. Coastal hills with moisture and vegetation in winter. 

2. Desert piedmont with oases in some of the valleys. 

3. The Puna: high, dry Cordillera with intermont basins in the south, unforested. 
3a. The Altiplano: an intermont basin with "Puna" characteristics. 

4. Broken mountain slopes, moist and forested. 

5. Broken plateaus and intermont basins with scrub and some woodland. 

6. Plains, hot, moist, and mostly forested. 

7. Plains, with cover of bush, grass, and scrub, gradually changing from north to 

south. 



30 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

From these summits the eastward descent leads to another 
world with astonishing abruptness. Yungas, as the region 
formed by these eastern slopes is called, is characterized by its 
intricate topography (see Figs. 29 and 37), its warm, humid 
climate, becoming hotter with every foot of descent, its dense 
forest of varied trees and impenetrable undergrowth, and its 
rich fauna. All products which require heat and moisture will 
grow there, and the only obstacles to its development as one of 
the world's leading areas of tropical agriculture are its inaccessi- 
bility and its lack of level spaces. As it is, however, there are 
many narrow river flats where sugar cane and tropical fruits 
are intensively cultivated. Moreover, its most valuable products 
are coffee and coca, which are suited to cultivation in terraces 
and require a considerable rainfall and warmth without too 
much sun. 

The villages for the most part lie near the valley floors, or else 
on spurs which are of sufficient width, but always where the 
country permits of trails to connect them with other villages and 
ultimately with the Altiplano. For the plateau is their market; 
and even this district, so difficult of access from the west, looks 
up rather than down. Its connections with the Amazonian plains 
have yet to be made. The Indians of Yungas are still mainly 
of Aymara stock, which means that they hail from the plateaus. 
The limit of civilization and of economic life falls near the foot of 
the Andes and just touches the corner of our area. We have here 
reached the low sandstone ridges which form the outworks of 
the great Cordillera. A mantle of high tropical rain forest covers 
the land. It is unpenetrated save by the savage tribes which 
live along the rivers and by a very few missionaries and planters. 
Their numbers as well as their wants are small. The inhabitants 
of one valley have little intercourse with their neighbors on the 
next, and indeed they often speak different languages. 



CHAPTER II 

GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 

The median line of the southern Andes from i8° S. to 56 S. 
approximates very closely to a meridian. Within the areal 
limits of the La Paz sheet this line swings abruptly to a north- 
westerly direction, and the Cordillera enters upon the great curve 
to the west which gives the northern Andes (from 18 S. to io° N.) 
a nearly semicircular trend. The largest of the physical features 
in the area reflect this important change in direction. Thus in 
the northern half the coast line and the two chief Cordilleras 
have the northwest-southeast trend, and rivers in the main 
follow this trend or run perpendicularly to it. In the southern 
half of the coast line, the Western Cordillera and the western 
edge of the Eastern Cordillera trend almost north and south. 
But each of the tectonic forces which have affected the crust 
in this area has left its marks throughout both sections. Thus 
in the northern we find an important line of summits west of 
Titicaca which trends from north to south and continues the 
coastal direction south of Arica. And again the parallel line of 
escarpment east of Lake Poop6 is continued northward through 
the cordillera by a furrow of lower land, the basin of the Ayopaya 
River. Moreover, in the southern half the meridional direction is 
not coincident with the strike of the folded rocks. For the folds, 
in so far as the volcanic rocks allow us to see them, follow the 
same direction as they do in the northern part — northwest- 
southeast — a direction which has been taken by the headstreams 
of the Grande and Pilcomayo rivers. 

The most outstanding contrast between the Andes immediate- 
ly north and south of the La Paz area is their much greater width 
to the south. This increase in width is abrupt; and it takes place 
about latitude 17 , or approximately the position of the bend 
in the cordillera and coast. It is natural to seek for surface 



32 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

features about this line of change which may be connected with 
the tectonic conditions which account for it. If we draw a 
straight line from the coastal bend at Arica to the point of bend- 
ing on the inner face of the eastern Cordillera just north of 
Oruro, we find this line passing through the two highest volcanic 
peaks in the area — Payachata and Sajama, the cone of the latter 
standing out to the east of the main Cordillera; while beyond 
these the line traverses a swelling which forms a minor water 
parting on the Altiplano. Moreover, its continuation in the 
Eastern Cordillera coincides with the divide between the basins 
of the Rio Grande and Rio Beni systems; while still farther to 
the east it forms the axis of the basin of Cochabamba, which has 
been recognized as a region of crustal weakness and hence of sub- 
sidence. Thus there is strong superficial evidence of the existence 
of an important tectonic feature running east-northeastward 
from the Pacific at Arica. Beyond the map area in this direction 
the topography is not well known, but it is probably significant 
that the line if prolonged would reach the Amazonian plains 
under ioo kilometers; while a line drawn due east from Arica 
and produced beyond the area would leave the Cordillera at a 
point nearly 280 kilometers to the east. 

It is noteworthy that the Poop6-Coipasa basin on the Altiplano 
is divided from that of Uyuni by a range of hills — volcanic in its 
western part — which trends east-northeastward. This would 
seem to indicate a second line of crustal weakness following this 
direction and some 200 kilometers distant from the first. 

Geological knowledge of the area is not sufficient to permit 
the compilation of a complete map. Investigations have been 
made over a number of routes — by Orbigny, Castelnau, Pissis, 
Forbes, Steinmann, Sundt, Dereims, J. A. Douglas, H. E. 
Gregory, Block, Rogers, Kozlowski, Washburn, and others. Of 
these geologists Orbigny and Forbes made geological maps of 
the whole region. But neither of these can now be accepted 
as accurate. In addition to this, much detailed work has been 
done in the limited areas of the mines, and the Bolivian Gov- 
ernment has published maps of each department showing areas 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 33 

which are supposed to yield the various minerals. These maps 
also show the distribution of hot springs, which throws some 
light upon the situation of geological faults. 

The physiography of the area has been studied by Bowman, 
who has been able to compare it with that of the adjoining regions 
to north and south. The glaciation features of the Eastern 
Cordillera have been examined by Hauthal and later by Sefve. 
Several special physical features have been examined scientifi- 
cally, amongst them the hydrographic system of the lakes on 
the Altiplano by Neveu-Lemaire of the Crequi-Montfort expedi- 
tion, the La Paz gorge by Gregory, and the sand dunes of the 
Pampa de Islay by A. E. Douglass. The relation of the geology 
to the minerals as well as the mining activities of the area have 
been admirably summarized by Miller and Singewald after an 
inspection of all the more important mining localities, and they 
have also published a valuable bibliography of these subjects. 1 

While the total amount of geological knowledge is too incom- 
plete to permit a general geological map to be drawn, it is possible 
with the help of the writings above mentioned and from observa- 
tions made in other parts of the Andes to arrive at a fairly rea- 
sonable account of the physical history of the region from Silurian 
to Cretaceous. 2 For our present purpose it is unnecessary to go 
into this; but without some conception of the region as it must 
have appeared about the middle of the Tertiary it is impossible 
to understand the present physical features of the Andes. 

Sedimentary rocks of nearly all geological ages and of very 
varied character occur in the region, and all alike are folded with 
a northwest-southeast strike. The general arrangement and 
posture of the rocks in the northern half may be studied in the 
four cross sections of Forbes 3 and of J. A. Douglas 4 although 
these two authors differ considerably in their interpretations. 
Similar sections have been made in the southern part by A. P. 

1 References to the published writings of the geologists above mentioned are given 
in Appendix C, Bibliography. 

2 The structure and paleogeography of the Central Andes is discussed by Guido 
Bonarelli in a recent paper (59). 

» David Forbes, (57). * James Archibald Douglas, (61, 62). 



34 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Rogers and Washburn, but these remain unpublished. It is 
clear that the present high Andes had an ancestor, probably of 
much lower elevation, which owed its origin in the main to the 
crumpling of the rocks above mentioned. There is ample evi- 
dence of the later destruction of this range by denudation. The 
various folded strata of the Altiplano, which is the part least 
disturbed by later erosive agencies, remain truncated and worn 
almost to a plain — now greatly elevated, and the general ac- 
cordance of summit level in the Eastern Cordillera south of 
latitude 17 bears further witness of this. The Cordillera Real 
was apparently a residual mountain area, but the smooth slopes 
of the present Western Cordillera have been recognized by Bow- 
man 5 , where he studied them just south of the map limit, as a 
warped peneplane surface. It may be further surmised with 
reason that an old erosion surface, if not a peneplane, extended 
out over the edge of the present Pacific Ocean. 

That a moderate uplift of the peneplane in our area followed 
is evidenced by the dissected nature of the peneplane surface 
and especially on the eastern side of the range. That the uplift 
was slow or that a long period elapsed after this moderate eleva- 
tion is clear from the fact that the dissected surfaces of the 
Eastern Cordillera are mature. This uplift was probably accom- 
panied by a sagging in the middle — as if it were the keystone of 
an arch — in that the Altiplano has remained protected from this 
mature erosion. The sagging was probably accomplished at 
least in part by faulting. Any fractures at the western border are 
of course concealed by volcanic rocks, but the eastern margin of 
the Altiplano south of Oruro is a dissected fault scarp truncating 
the strike of the rocks and having hot springs at its foot. More- 
over, at least two important faults have been mapped, at Coro- 
coro and at Coniri, 45 kilometers north-northeast of that place. 
The Strait of Tiquina apparently coincides with a fault line, 
and the form of the submerged slopes of Lake Titicaca and the 
rectangular shape of its basin led Gregory 6 with reason to describe 
this as a warped and down-faulted section of the crust. In the 

'Isaiah Bowman, (74). B Herbert E. Gregory, (76). 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 35 

Eastern Cordillera two important faults with their downthrow 
to the east have been recognized by Block 7 at the crest of the 
mountains northeast of La Paz; and it is most probable that the 
straight edge of the hills bounding the subsidence basin of 
Cochabamba on the north is a fault scarp. 

The earlier elevation of the Andes — the first which has exer- 
cised direct influence upon the relief of the Andes of today — 
went on through Tertiary time, and it had the further accom- 
paniment of vast volcanic activity in the western part and igneous 
intrusions in the east. Amongst the intrusions we may include 
the porphyrite boss which forms a hill group on the southwestern 
side of Lake Titicaca, the diorite which accounts for the Cerro 
de Comanchi norths of Corocoro and probably other hills in its 
neighborhood, the igneous mass of the hills of Oruro — which 
bears its ores, and a number of separate intrusive sills on the 
Altiplano west of Oruro described by Orbigny as of trachite. 
All of these form isolated hills to roughen the surface of the 
Altiplano. 

Beyond the escarpment of the Eastern Cordillera the plateaus 
about the Cerro de Morococalla are composed for several hundred 
square miles of andesite, which appears to have overflowed a 
surface already dissected to maturity and must therefore be 
regarded as one of the most recent intrusions. Lastly we must 
mention the granite which crops out in the Cordillera Real both 
in its summits and to the east of them. The injection of this rock 
may, however, be much older than all the others mentioned 
above. 

From these brief indications some idea will be gained of 
the extent to which the land forms of this part of the Andes 
owe their origin to the processes of mountain building and 
crustal fracture anterior to the greatest uplift of the Cordillera. 
We have to look back to a picture in the mid-Tertiary of a belt 
of upland much lower than the present Andes but having already 
many of the existing surface features. And without this portrait 
of the earlier form the significance of the present mountain 

'Henry Block, (66). 



36 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

surfaces cannot be appreciated. Thus the folding of the rocks 
to their present postures had already been accomplished, and 
most if not all of the igneous injections in the eastern part had 
taken place. The surface of the folded rocks, which long before 
had been reduced to a peneplane save in the Cordillera Real, 
had again been etched to a mature relief in most parts; the chief 
exception being the Altiplano, which had by this time sagged 
down to its present relative position. Already the volcanoes had 
begun to pile up in the western part of the area. It cannot be 
stated with any certainty that the Pacific waters had yet taken 
the place of a land area beyond the present coast line, or whether 
the subsidence of this land took place in its entirety contem- 
poraneously with the great uplift of the Andes. 

This lower Andean land must have offered a much less serious 
barrier to the mobile elements — atmospheric, vegetable, and 
animal; and the intensification of contrasts of climate, vegeta- 
tion, and fauna which now exist in the region must have been 
brought about gradually throughout the progressive uplift of 
the Andes after this stage. The present constitution of the flora 
and fauna can be understood only by taking into account this 
condition which prevailed prior to the upthrust of the great 
land mass; and the existing climatic belts are manifestly the 
result of the great differences in altitude of land lying athwart 
the normal currents of air circulation. 

After detailed study in a surveyed portion of Peru (73rd 
meridian) Bowman 8 has calculated that the recent uplift of the 
Andes in that section amounts to at least a mile (1,610 meters). 
In this uplift the entire Cordilleran belt seems to have behaved 
as a unit, although there were probably local warps and frac- 
tures which broke the uniformity of the surface of erosion along 
the line now followed by the Western Cordillera. The increased 
height is not the result of renewed crumpling of the rocks, and 
the uplifting force may be presumed to have acted vertically. 

The further modification of the landscape in our area results 
in large measure from this rapid uplift. The change in form 

8 Isaiah Bowman, (8) Chap. n. 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 37 

effected by the elevation appears to be a warping of the surface 
along the western margin of the highland; on the eastern side, 
a tilting of the plateaus towards the east. Apart from the con- 
tinued and perhaps increased volcanic outbursts in the Western 
Cordillera most of the physical features which remain to be 
accounted for are due to the denudation processes acting on the 
high block from the time of its maximum elevation. 

The rejuvenation of all the rivers save those draining to the 
central depression gave a fresh start to erosion in their valleys. 
On the eastern slopes the greater height of the cordillera occa- 
sioned increased rainfall and so added to the erosive power of 
the rivers there. On the other hand, the decreased humidity on 
the western slope somewhat neutralized the effect of uplift upon 
the activity of the streams or at least restricted rapid valley 
deepening to the beds of the larger streams. At the same time 
it initiated complete desert conditions on the coastal highland 
and gave effective play to the mechanical disintegration of rock 
and to the eroding and transporting power of the wind. To a 
lesser extent similar characteristics developed on the Altiplano; 
but there the surface features were greatly modified by the dis- 
tribution of water, of which more remains to be said. The eleva- 
tion of the Andes brought their crests above the line of permanent 
snow where they still remain, the present limit being at about 
5,000 meters. But the cold climate now characteristic of the 
higher parts of the region is warm as compared with the rigorous 
conditions which prevailed throughout the periods of Pleistocene 
glaciation. The long-drawn cold phases of this climatic episode 
caused the formation of snow fields and groups of glaciers on the 
mountains — widespread on the Eastern Cordillera, smaller on 
the volcanoes of the western range. There were certainly two 
and perhaps three such glacial epochs, and between the cold 
phases came an interval — or intervals — of mild climate. The 
glaciers radiating from the eastern snow fields reached to the 
piedmont on the rim of the Altiplano, on the one hand, and 
extended far down into the gorges of the Yungas, on the other. 
The ice tongues from Illimani and Tres Cruces met in the bottom 



38 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

of the La Paz gorge during the last great extension of the ice, 
at the point where it cuts through the Cordillera, and probably 
dammed back the waters of the upper valley to form a temporary 
lake. The glaciers which now lie in the fastnesses of the Cordillera 
Real and Quimsa Cruz are mere vestiges of these giants. But 
the ice caps have left their mark in profound modification of the 
mountains which nourished them. The summit of the Cordillera 
is a succession of alpine pyramids connected by knife-edged 
ridges which are the limits of great ice-chiseled cirques and 
troughs. In the cordillera north of Cochabamba the ice cap 
found a different type of site for its work. Here the ice must 
have lain upon smooth plateaus creeping downward over their 
edges much as the ice fields of Norway do today. The valleys 
which notch the plateaus have been deeply modified by ice, but 
the high surfaces display as evidences of glaciation mainly the 
shallow lake-filled hollows and morainic litter of dying glaciers. 
To appreciate the nature of the surface and underlying rocks 
on the Altiplano it is necessary to have some conception of the 
recent physical history of the plateau. We have seen that among 
the chief irregularities of surface in this long structural depres- 
sion are its deepest hollow — the bed of Titicaca — and a shallower 
saucer to the south of latitude l8° S. The residual ridges on the 
plateau corresponding to the outcrops of stronger rocks — for the 
most part the folded sandstones with interbedded rhyolites in 
some of the western ridges and igneous intrusive rocks in places — 
follow the strike of these rocks. While more or less parallel, 
these ridges are neither continuous nor straight, and on account 
of the bends their directions vary between east-southeast and 
south-southeast (see Fig. 4). It is specially important to notice 
the course of the most easterly of the ridges. North of the Alto 
of La Paz this appears as a line of low discontinuous hills closely 
hugging the piedmont, but south of the Alto it forms an un- 
broken and widening rampart dividing the plateau from the La 
Paz gorge, while the next ridge lying en echelon performs the 
same function in regard to the valleys of the Rios Sapahaqui and 
Luribay (see Fig. 4). 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 39 

These ridges are the last outcrops of the folded sedimentary 
rocks of the Altiplano. They are superficially separated from the 
folded sediments (shales, quartzites, etc.) of the Cordillera Real 
by an apron of piedmont deposits north of La Paz, and south of 
that by immensely thick detrital beds — of gravel, sand, and clay 
with some intercalated tuff and lignite — in which the valleys 
of the La Paz, Luribay, and Sapahaqui Rivers have been incised 
to a depth, in the case of the first, of nearly 2,500 meters and 
have been carved into fantastic buttresses and pyramids. 

Over large tracts of the Altiplano in its lower parts is a mantle 
of deposits which have been named the Puna beds. These lie 
horizontally on the truncated edges of the folded rocks of the 
peneplane. They consist of reddish and yellowish sands with 
irregular lenses of gravel and occasional marl and clay bands. 
The beds are coarser in character near the ridges and finer at a 
distance from them. They contain, at Ulloma and other places, 
the fossil remains of large mammals which required in life a 
luxuriant vegetation for their nourishment and presumably a 
milder climate. The Puna beds are believed to have been laid 
down in standing water probably of a lake or lakes, and in their 
waters the mammals must have perished. The elements of an 
important geological problem are provided by these features : 
the La Paz gorge and its moraines, the La Paz basin deposits, 
and the Puna beds with their mammalian remains. Contro- 
versial views have long been stated regarding each of them; 
and even now, while they can be recognized as elements of the 
same problem, no complete solution can be offered. Nevertheless 
since the unraveling of the latest stages in the physical history 
of the region with which these elements are so closely related 
must be based on the keenest examination of the existing surface 
features and probably upon accurate leveling which has still to 
be carried out, it will be useful to state briefly the views of those 
who have studied the question. 

Philippi 9 believed that the animals whose remains are now 

9 A. R. Philippi: Vorlaufige Nachricht iiberfossile Saugthierknochen von Ulloma, 
Bolivia, Zeitschr. der Deutschen Geol. Gesell., Vol. 45, 1893, pp. 87-96. 



40 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

found at 4,000 meters above the sea lived in a tropical lowland 
and that the elevation of the Puna region took place after their 
extermination. Sundt at first believed that the Puna beds were 
of marine origin and that their fossils were probably contem- 
poraneous with those of the Argentine pampa, which necessitated 
an elevation of some 4,000 meters since the advent of man. In 
1900 10 he renounced this view in favor of the opinion that the 
Puna beds were laid down in a huge Quaternary lake stretching 
from Lipez in southern Bolivia nearly to Cuzco in Peru, whose 
waters were dammed by glaciers; but he adds that since it is 
improbable that the mammals could have lived in the glacial 
climate it is possible that the beds are post-glacial and were 
deposited in lakes of reduced size. In 1902 Pompeckj made a 
careful examination of the Ulloma locality and stated his 
belief 11 that the Puna beds were formed after the elevation 
of the Andes. Sefve in a similar investigation in 1910, 
examines the whole question of origin 12 in considerable detail 
and in the light of previous researches. Beyond stating that the 
change in the hydrography of the plateau after its peneplanation 
was due to the filling up of valleys — probably on account of 
fluvioglacial agency — resulting in the formation of lakes, he 
reaches no very definite explanation of the presence in their 
deposits of mammals such as the mastodon; but he concludes 
that the critical point at which to find evidence regarding the 
damming of the drainage outlet is the La Paz valley. 

Many geologists have studied the La Paz sedimentary deposits. 
Their results are briefly summarized by H. E. Gregory, 13 but he 
omits to mention the important observations of Hauthal made in 
1908. 14 Gregory confines himself to a geological description of the 
strata, and while stating that they are deposits of low-grade pied- 
mont streams with temporary lakes, he draws no conclusion 



10 Lorenzo Sundt, Bol. Soc. Nad. de Mineria, Ser. 3, Santiago de Chile, 1900; 
also Rev. Chilerra de Hist, y Geog., Vol. 36, 1920. 

11 J. P. Pompeckj, Paleonlographica, Vol. 52, Stuttgart, 1905. 

12 Ivar Stfve, (77). 

13 Herbert E. Gregory, (76). 
» Rudolf Hauthal, (73). 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 41 

regarding their age or the regional significance of their formation. 
Hauthal regards them as of interglacial age, relying upon his dis- 
covery of glacial till below them at Ananta, while he, like other 
observers, found moraines resting upon them. Sefve, returning to 
his investigations in 1920, followed the La Paz valley to the An- 
gostura gorge where the valley enters upon its northeastward 
trend through the Cordillera. In a provisional account 16 he states 
that he found no evidence of the La Paz valley above that point 
having been occupied by a glacier but is satisfied that immense 
ice streams from the Illimani group on the one hand and the 
Quimsa Cruz group on the other converged at the gorge of 
Angostura and that these were sufficient also to flood the Alti- 
plano. Sefve further reports the recent discovery by Kozlowski 
that the materials resting upon the till found by Hauthal at 
Ananta are not the La Paz beds but are deposits formed by the 
river. 16 The La Paz beds, therefore, are probably preglacial. 
The complete geological history of the La Paz gorge remains to 
be written. Unfortunately the thick detrital deposits in which 
the existing valley is cut have furnished no fossils. If the deep 
and wide hollow in which they lie was carved by a river, it seems 
evident either that the latter was a large and powerful stream 
perhaps having its source in the present bed of Titicaca or be- 
yond or else that an immense space of time was occupied in 
excavating the hollow. Equally clear is it that another long 
period elapsed in which this longitudinal furrow became filled 
to the level of the Altiplano by the La Paz deposits. If Gregory's 
view be the right one, it would seem that the deep furrow con- 
taining the deposits — whatever its origin — is a very old feature, 
probably an important feature of the older and lower precursor 
of the present high Andes. The period of deposit here would 
then correspond to the long period in which other surfaces 
attained maturity in their development; while the re-erosion of 
a deep valley in the deposits — the present gorge of the La Paz 
River — would correspond to the main uplift of the Andes. In 
addition to the detailed examination of the Puna beds at Ulloma 
if Iv&r Sefve, (75). 16 Ibid. 



42 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

and vicinity, scattered observations on their distribution have 
been made by a number of scientists from Orbigny onwards. 
Of these J. B. Minchin probably had the widest knowledge of 
the Altiplano, and after numerous journeys made during his 
long residence in Bolivia he was able to construct a tentative 
map of what he called a former high-level lake now represented 
by shrunken fragments like Titicaca and Poopo. This map is 
represented in Figure 6 (A). It was sent to Dr. Bowman only a 
few weeks before Minchin's death and has not been published 
hitherto. But Minchin and many others based their interpreta- 
tions upon notions that were much too simple. They assumed 
but one lake period whereas there were several. The precise 
level of each lake and its real extent will not become known until 
a detailed topographic survey has been made. It will then be 
revealed also to what extent deformations have occurred of 
shore lines and marginal and bottom deposits from the end of the 
lake period down to the present. Only an outline of the lake 
history can be given from the fragmentary information now 
available 

It is theoretically sound to conclude that by the end of the 
period of greatest erosion lakes were probably absent from the 
Central Andean landscape. There followed a period of deforma- 
tion, and great lakes were formed; and in respect to them and 
to other local and especially marginal base levels mature slopes 
were carved in a second erosion cycle whose effects are among 
the most prominent today. But all these changes took place at 
a much less elevation than the surface has today. Moreover, the 
deposits are of far greater age than those directly associated with 
the existing levels of lake basins. 

When a second period of deformation set in with contempo- 
raneous elevation a second opportunity was given for lakes to 
form; but whether or not they did form depended upon climatic 
conditions as well as relief. A high-lying series of calcareous 
deposits, old and weathered in appearance and fragmentary 
in occurrence, mark an earlier lake period; as the benched hills 
and spurs, fresh tufaceous deposits, and far more continuous 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 43 







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44 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

distribution of shore forms mark a later period of lake develop- 
ment. Each of these periods may be divisible into several 
phases, but of the existence of at least two main periods there 
can be little doubt. To the first and higher of these lakes Bow- 
man has given the name Lake Ballivian, and to the second 
and lower, Lake Minchin. 

In the second of the two periods the general position, level, 
and outlines of Lake Titicaca did not differ materially from their 
present condition. In Figure 6 (B) an attempt has been made to 
represent the probable outline of Lake Minchin. The level of 
the highest bench top at the Cerro de Oruro (with reference to 
the railroad) corresponds with the level of laminated near-shore 
clays and other deposits in the Desaguadero valley near Naza- 
cara, six meters below even the present surface of Titicaca. 
Whatever extra water supply Titicaca may have had was com- 
pensated by increased discharge. On the contrary, the Poopo 
basin, without outlet, was all but filled up. Its northern arm was 
but six meters below Lake Titicaca. Had the climatic conditions 
been only a little more extreme an actual junction with Titicaca 
would have been made. 

Whether the successive benches and calcareous shore deposits 
on the border of the Poop6 basin mark stages in the lowering of 
the lake as a drier climate intervened or whether the former lake 
dried up altogether to come again into existence and rise to a 
lesser level than before, has not yet been determined. In any 
case, the whole series of changes ended with the almost complete 
drying up of the Poop6 basin. Poopo itself and Coipasa are but 
shallow pans of extremely saline water bordered by wide marshes 
and salars. In 1914 Bowman gave an interpretation of the rela- 
tions of the two main lakes to each other 17 and to their sur- 
roundings, and his diagram is reproduced herewith (Fig. 7). 

The ancient Lake Minchin extended up the Desaguadero 
valley as far as Ulloma, and northward beyond it, and we may 
conclude tentatively that it was in this water body that the 
fossil remains were originally submerged. If the glacial dam in 

17 Isaiah Bowman, (75). 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 45 



FAIRWEATHER GAP 




Fig. 7 — Sketch showing relations of lake levels at Fairweather Gap, ten kilo- 
meters north of Calacoto. Lake Minchin, a temporary lake of glacial times, came 
into existence long after the Desguadero had cut down its valley from the level of 
Lake Ballivian to that of Titicaca. 

the lower La Paz gorge was the agent which caused the im- 
pounding of the water, we may further conclude that this lake 
and its deposits are of Pleistocene age. In this connection we 
may note that in other sections of the Central Andes fossiliferous 
lacustrine deposits have been assigned with good reason — on 
geological and paleontological evidence — to the late Pliocene or 
early Pleistocene; for instance, the strata examined by Herbert 
E. Gregory and G. F. Eaton 18 in the Upper Apurimac basin. 
These beds near Ayusbamba lying at an altitude of about 3,800 
meters — approximately the same as the Ulloma deposits — were 
found to contain remains representing the Camelidae, Equidae, 
Elephantidae, and Mylontidae. 



The Drainage Systems 

Recalling the outlines of the probable physical history of the 
Central Andes, we may discern interesting relations of the present 
drainage systems with the rock structure on the one hand and 

18 Herbert E. Gregory: Geologic Reconnaissance of the Ayusbamba (Peru) 
Fossil Beds, Amer. Journ. of Sci., Ser. 4, Vol. 37, 1014, pp. 123-154; George F. 
Eaton: Vertebrate Fossils from Ayusbamba, Peru, ibid., pp. 141-154. 



46 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

the various surfaces of erosion and deposition on the other. The 
earlier and lower predecessor of the present high Andes pre- 
sumably was originally drained in the first instance by conse- 
quent rivers running generally to the northeast and southwest. 
We do not know where the original divide of these ancient moun- 
tains lay; but it is worthy of note that the existing hollow in the 
Western Cordillera now followed by the Mauri River and by 
the railway is approximately west-southwest of the gorge of the 
La Paz River where it pierces the Cordillera Real. Owing to the 
volcanic nature of the Western Cordillera it is unlikely that any 
other similar valleys can be found; but it is possible that de- 
tailed surveys would reveal remnants of an ancient drainage 
system — possibly consequent — in the non-volcanic parts of the 
high plateaus west of Lake Titicaca and in the Eastern Cordil- 
lera south of the La Paz gorge. 

The long period of erosion which supervened before the Andes 
were elevated to their present position and which sufficed to 
produce mature surfaces in most parts of the land undoubtedly 
brought into existence the type of valley which prevails today 
in the Eastern Cordillera and on the Altiplano — the "subse- 
quent," or "strike," valleys, in which rivers have incised their 
courses in the weakest rocks and so follow the general direction 
of their strike — north-northwest to south-southeast. Such val- 
leys are numerous in the basins of the Rio Grande and Rio Pil- 
comayo, as well as on the Altiplano. The present network of 
rivers, then, on the Altiplano and east of it probably conforms 
in general to the net which was already developed before the 
greatest uplift of the Andes. The chief effect which this uplift 
has had upon the rivers is the progressive and rapid deepening 
of their beds. 

The Desaguadero is a "strike stream" from Titicaca at least 
down to Ulloma. Beyond this it may be occupying a slight 
structural depression. In the Cordillera west of Titicaca it looks 
as if the present divide were older than the line of volcanoes 
which stand upon the western brink of the high country. The 
Chili and Tambo Rivers have succeeded in maintaining a south- 



GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND LAND FORMS 47 

westward course in spite of this volcanic barrier. Elsewhere in 
the Western Cordillera the rivers of the Pacific slope have their 
sources amongst the volcanoes. Their relatively straight courses 
are consequent in general upon the warped slopes which date 
from the great uplift. In detail they depend doubtless upon 
local conditions such as the form of lava flows. 

The various agents of erosion and transportation act differ- 
ently in the various parts of the area of the La Paz sheet. Me- 
chanical disintegration of rocks plays a much greater part than 
chemical decomposition in the puna and the desert littoral. The 
intense insolation on the mountains and high plateaus followed 
by rapid radiation at night or when the sky becomes overcast 
causes a crumbling of the rocks which probably takes place at 
as rapid a rate as anywhere in the world. In the drier regions 
occasional rain storms quickly fill the dry quebradas, and the 
streams bring down quantities of rock fragments to the Altiplano 
or to the coastal desert, where they are added to the alluvial 
fans that mark the lower end of every gorge. Where streams are 
absent on the mountain slopes the downward creep of the frag- 
ments is less rapid but no less sure. The wind carries the sifting 
of the debris a stage further, rolling the lighter grains, lifting the 
lightest and building them into sand dunes. These probably 
occur sporadically all over the Altiplano and the desert. But they 
are particularly characteristic of the plain southeast of Oruro 
and of the Pampa de Islay, where they are well known from the 
fact that the Arequipa railway goes through them. These dunes, 
which are known as medanos, are crescentic in form like the 
barchans of central Asia. They lie with the horns of the crescent 
away from the effective wind which puts them frequently in 
motion. 

The undrained hollows of the Western Cordillera and Altiplano 
act as local base levels, below which gravity cannot act, and their 
surface is being gradually raised by deposit. Where water 
brings salts in solution to these hollows, or where gaseous vol- 
canic emanations reach the stagnant water from below, the water 
becomes highly saline; and on its evaporation the salts crystal- 



48 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

lize. Thus the salars are formed. Their composition varies from 
the surface downwards and from the edge towards the center. 
But in general they form nearly fiat expanses of dazzling white- 
ness. Their surface generally is much broken and is difficult to 
cross, and the sharp buckled salty crust injures the feet of ani- 
mals. Where rails are laid over their surface the bed has con- 
stantly to be remade, since crystallization goes on and causes the 
surface to bulge by pressure from below. 

In the foregoing description much has been said of volcanoes 
and of geological faults. Both of these of course are evidences 
of the instability of the earth's crust; and before leaving the 
subject it is necessary to add a few words on present conditions 
in this respect. There are now no volcanoes in the area under 
discussion which are in active eruption or which are definitely 
known to have erupted in historical time. But several of the 
peaks of the Western Cordillera still emit steam and volcanic 
gases from their craters or from fumaroles on their flanks. This 
is true of Misti, Ubinas, Tacora, and Taapaca. 

That the earth's crust is now more stable in the east of our 
area than on the Pacific slope is made clear by the fact that 
serious earthquakes occur only in the latter; although some 
geological faults in the Eastern Cordillera are still marked by 
the presence of springs of high temperature. Earthquakes on the 
Pacific littoral have been numerous and severe in historical times. 
Arequipa was destroyed by an earthquake in 1746, Pisagua in 
1868, and Arica successively in 1605 and 1746. 



CHAPTER III 
MINERALS AND MINES 

Incomparably the most important facts regarding minerals in 
the area are, first, that Chile produces 99 per cent of the world's 
supply of nitrates and, secondly, that Bolivia produces about 21 
per cent of the world's tin. 1 In 1918, 2,919,000 tons of nitrate 
were exported by Chile, and of this 495,000 were embarked at 
the ports of Caleta Buena, Caleta JunJn, and Pisagua, the re- 
mainder of the Chilean export coming from ports to the south. 
Thus approximately 19 per cent of the world's supply of nitrates 
comes from a narrow strip of land in the La Paz sheet area lying 
for the most part immediately to the west of the longitudinal 
railway south of Jazpampa. 

In 1915, Bolivia exported 36,492 metric tons of tin concen- 
trates, which on smelting produced 21,900 tons of metal; and 
this was 17 per cent of the world's supply. Of the 36,000 tons 
of concentrates about 21,000, representing about 10 per cent 
of the world's tin supply of that year, were produced in thirteen 
groups of mines situated in the map area. Moreover, the world 
importance of these mines presumably increased after 1915, for 
in 1917 and 1918 Bolivia supplied not 17 per cent of the total 
tin but 21 per cent. 

The region also supplies important contributions of borax 
and of copper and could turn out a somewhat larger proportion 
of each. The special demands for tungsten and bismuth during 
the World War resulted in an intensive production of these 
minerals in Bolivia; but it remains to be seen whether the coun- 
try's importance as a source of them will be maintained under 
normal conditions. The silver and gold production of this part 

1 The mineral deposits of the region and their extraction have been so admirably 
treated by Miller and Singewald in their recent work (55) that the brief statement 
made on this subject in the introductory chapter will be elaborated here only in its 
most salient geographical aspects. 



50 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

of Bolivia has now merely local importance, and this is true also 
of sulphur and salt, although the sulphur deposits on the Chilean 
side of the border have a prospect of becoming very important. 
Moreover, it is a matter of great interest to the world that the 
chief commercial source of iodine is the nitrate deposits of Chile. 

The various minerals occur in distinct geographical zones 
which follow broadly the outcrop of the various geological sys- 
tems and therefore lie more or less parallel, trending from north- 
west to southeast. The nitrate zone, although it does not ex- 
tend much north of Pisagua, lies parallel to the coast. The sul- 
phur, being found in active or extinct volcanoes, lies entirely 
in the Maritime Cordillera; likewise the borax, ultimately 
derived from volcanic exhalations, is now found in the lake beds 
of this Cordillera, where it has crystallized. Copper occurs in the 
native form and has been injected into the interstices of the 
reddish sandstones of the western Altiplano from Corocoro 
southeastwards; while other copper ores are found in continua- 
tion of this zone northwestwards along the shores of Titicaca. 
The other minerals — tin, tungsten, bismuth, silver, and gold — 
are all found in the rocks of the Eastern Cordillera, while gold 
is extracted from the alluvial valley deposits derived from them. 
Lastly, if oil be later found in this section of Bolivia, it will lie 
in the sub-Andine zone which crosses the northeast corner of the 
La Paz sheet and possibly also on the Altiplano, contained in 
the anticlines which follow the general strike of the rocks there. 

The region as a whole has long been one of the most famous 
mining countries of the earth, and it is well known how the 
treasure of the Incas was the original lure of the conquistador es. 
Before the Spanish Conquest silver, gold, and copper were 
mined by the Aymara and Quichua Indians of the plateau. 2 
Although the mineral wealth of the Andean region probably 
meant little to the Indians in the earlier stages of their develop- 
ment, yet as their culture advanced they exploited some of the 
deposits of gold, silver, and copper for the manufacture of tools, 

1 A fuller statement of general conditions in this early period will be found at the 
beginning of Chapter IX. 



MINERALS AND MINES 51 

household utensils, and ornaments. With the growth in the 
demand for such metals, mining became an important industry, 
and the making of metal objects became one of the features 
which characterized their culture. 

Gold was obtained from placer mines, one of the most notable 
of the gold-yielding districts being the valley of La Paz, known 
in ancient times (and still known among the Indians) as Chu- 
quiapo, "heritage of gold," with its neighboring district Chuquia- 
guillo or Orco-jahuira. The region of Inquisivi also contains gold 
deposits that are said to have been worked in pre-Conquest days. 
In fact, from those regions of the Colla (or Aymara) country, 
and particularly from the region about Carabaya, just north of 
Lake Titicaca and just beyond the border of this sheet, came a 
large part of the gold of the Inca empire. 

Silver was mined in a number of places. One of the most 
noted of the silver-bearing districts was Porco, which like the 
world-famous Potosi lies just over the southeastern border of this 
sheet. Some of the veins in the Oruro hills were also said to have 
been worked before the Conquest. The Indians had learned to 
smelt the silver by means of pottery furnaces (guayras), which 
were set up upon the higher slopes of the hills so as to receive a 
constant natural draft. The molten metal ran out from openings 
left in the bottom of the furnace. Charcoal brought from the 
timbered hills of the eastern slope of the Andes was used for 
fuel, as was also probably the dried dung of llamas (taquia), still 
the most common combustible on the plateau. 

Copper was very generally used among the Indians for their 
tools, weapons, and such ornaments as the tupus, long pins with 
the head in shape of a spoon, with which the women fastened 
their shawls. Sometimes pure copper was used, sometimes a 
bronze which was long thought to have been an accidental alloy 
but which is now known to have been made by the Indians. 3 
The copper was obtained from the copper belt that runs south- 
eastward from Lake Titicaca through the Altiplano. Ancient mines 
are spoken of at Cerro de Scapi near Chuyca in Lipez, at Tara- 

3 Erland Nordenskiold, (113). 



52 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

buco in Chichas, and at Caraguara (modern Corocoro) in Paca- 
jes. It is thought that the art of producing bronze was known 
even in the very ancient period represented by the ruins of Tia- 
huanaco, although it did not become common or widespread until 
late Inca times. It has been ascertained that tin was added to 
the copper in the making of tools and weapons, in order that the 
articles might then be better hardened by cold hammering, 4 and 
it is thought that a still larger percentage of tin was used in bronze 
ornaments in order that they might be more easily molded. That 
tin was used alone seems doubtful, although in one instance pure 
tin objects that seemed to be of pre-Conquest origin have been 
found. A number of tin deposits were worked in this region, 
however, in Inca times, notably that at Carabuco near Lake Titi- 
caca, and it is probable that barter carried this material to dis- 
tant parts of the empire. 

About the mining centers settlements had grown up, composed 
of men trained in the process of ore extraction and in the arts of 
simple metallurgy. Mining, however, did not reach any exten- 
sive development even during Inca times, since the uses to which 
metal objects were put were quite restricted. All the precious 
metals were claimed for the royal household, either for adornment 
of the person, or for the beautifying of palaces and temples. No 
metals were used for money, so far as known, commerce being 
carried on entirely by barter. 

When the Spaniards had become masters of the Inca empire 
in the sixteenth century they at once initiated a feverish campaign 
of mining activity, devoting their attention almost entirely to the 
precious metals. With the establishment of a system of forced 
labor (repartimientos and mitas) the mines already being worked 
by the Indians were extended, and every Spaniard became a pros- 
pector for new deposits. As a result of this it is probably no great 
exaggeration to say that every square league of hilly country 
occupied by the Spaniards bears some sign of having been ex- 
plored for its mineral wealth. The richest of all silver mines — 

* H. W. Foote and W. H. Buell: The Composition, Structure, and Hardness of 
Some Peruvian Bronze Axes, Amer. Jour, of Sci., Vol. 34, 1012, pp. 128-132. 



MINERALS AND MINES 53 

those of Potosi and Porco — lay just beyond the area we are dis- 
cussing; but the Cerro de Oruro, opened in 1568, was soon almost 
as important. The Spaniards introduced improvements in the 
extraction of the metals. Extensive deposits of mercury were 
found in Peru (near Guamanga) in 1567, and this metal was 
imported and applied to the reduction of silver, thus making 
possible the working of lower-grade ore than formerly. The ore 
was milled by horse power or by water power, where that was 
available, reservoirs being constructed to increase the resources. 

With the richer and more accessible ores of silver worked out, 
and with gold more easily obtainable elsewhere, mining activity 
fell off in the eighteenth century; and, when the attention of 
prospectors was again directed to the Bolivian plateau in the 
nineteenth century, it was no longer gold and silver but the baser 
metals — tin and copper — which drew them thither. 

In comparing the output of metals during the earlier periods 
with that of today it is necessary to bear in mind, first, that under 
the Incas and earlier Spaniards there was no question of making a 
mine pay, for the amount of labor available was limited prac- 
tically only by the population — the labor being forced, and, 
secondly, that mining for the most part took place at or near 
the surface; and we must remember further that many mines 
formerly rich in silver ores now yield only tin and that the 
depreciation in the value of silver some thirty years ago greatly 
restricted the output of the less valuable ores. 

The Nitrate Fields 

For nearly a century scientists have sought to explain how 
nitrogen has become fixed in these coastal pampas as sodium 
nitrate or "Chile saltpeter" on such a large scale, and while the 
problem is still unsolved it is clear that a very important element 
in the genesis of the mineral is the regional peculiarity of the 
nitrate fields. This peculiarity results from the coincidence of 
several features. The high range of the Maritime Cordillera 
causes regular precipitation of moisture which drains westward. 
The range is bordered by a piedmont belt of detrital material — 



54 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

thicker near the mountains and sloping gently westward. The 
surface of the water table in this detritus also slopes westward 
and comes nearer to the surface in that direction; but the water 
is prevented from escaping to the sea by the coastal hills, com- 
posed of crystalline or other compact rock and higher than the 
lower piedmont east of them. The climate, as we have seen, is 
arid, and evaporation by day is intense; but humidity often 
reaches saturation at night, when sea fogs drift over the coastal 
lands. Discussion regarding the origin of the nitrates has recently 
been summarized by authors who come to different conclusions. 6 
The explanation offered by Miller and Singewald may perhaps be 
stated in a few words. They point out that the ground water is 
evaporated in proportion to its nearness to the surface, and the 
process therefore is most intense near the western edge of the 
piedmont where more water will be raised by capillary action 
than elsewhere. Such water if it contain nitrates in solution will 
deposit them on evaporation at or near the surface — in the same 
way, indeed, that sea salts are deposited near the shores of the 
Red Sea above sea level. These authors are not convinced that 
the underground waters of the district necessarily carry an un- 
usual amount of nitrate in solution and consider that the coin- 
cidence of such soil and atmospheric conditions with the resulting 
long continued efflorescence of the salt may be sufficient to ac- 
count for the unique deposits of northern Chile. 

Previous investigators, however, have mostly sought for 
some abnormal fixation of nitrogen in the region. Their theories 
may be divided into four classes. The first attributes the nitrates 
to the slow oxidation of masses of seaweed accumulated when the 
area formed a shallow sea bottom. The second group assumes 
that a guano deposit about the shores of a salt lake or sea inlet 
was either flooded by salt water and so formed sodium nitrate, 
or after forming calcium nitrate was slowly liquefied by night 
dews and then coming in contact with the salt of the salars was 

6 Joseph T. Singewald, Jr., and Benjamin L. Miller: The Genesis of the Chilean 
Nitrate Deposits, Econ. Geology, Vol. n, pp. 103-114; 1916. W. L. Whitehead: 
The Chilean Nitrate Deposits, ibid.. Vol. 15, 1920, pp. 187-224. Both papers con- 
tain bibliographies. 



MINERALS AND MINES 55 

converted to sodium nitrate. The third group attributes the 
work of nitrification to organisms acting upon ancient vegetable 
matter in the soil, the nitrates being concentrated by water and 
evaporated as outlined above. The last group invokes the aid 
of electricity as an oxidizer of atmospheric nitrogen — either 
electrostatic tension accompanying the coastal fogs which 
invade the pampas at night or electric storms in the cordillera. 
One author believes that the nitric acid from the atmosphere 
forms nitrates only when rocks containing a high percentage of 
sodium are present, which is the case in the porphyries of this 
part of the Andes. 

Whitehead 6 believes that the source of the nitrates is volcanic 
material, especially tuffs, in the neighborhood. He points out 
that the deposits lie on the gentle hill slopes on the west above 
the level of the pampa, and he shows how the salts, dissolved 
mainly by dews from the rocks of the hilltops to the west, have 
been carried progressively downward by the occasional rains. 
He regards the ground water as a possible source only in rare 
cases, since the debris of the pampa is of too loose a character to 
allow extensive capillary action to take place. It would seem 
possible, however, that even if this theory is the right one in 
general it is necessary to invoke another in the fields east of 
Pisagua, for the hills there are not composed of volcanic rocks 
but of limestone. 

The process of mining or "extracting" the nitrates is simple. 
The upper layers which vary as to composition and thickness 
are broken by blasting; and the rich caliche, which has an aver- 
age thickness of about one foot, is dug out for the most part in 
open workings. The material is then taken to the mdquina or 
refining plant where after being crushed it undergoes a succession 
of boilings in vats. Thence the solution flows by gravity to huge 
evaporation pans where the salt is recrystallized. If it has 
95 per cent purity, it is exported for agricultural purposes; 
if its purity exceeds 96 per cent, it is marketed for chemical 
manufactures. Iodine is obtained as a by-product by a very 

• Op. cit. 



56 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

simple treatment of the mother liquor after the nitrate has been 
crystallized out. 

Nitrate extraction has produced an industrial oasis in the 
desert. Machinery, food, and fuel all have to be imported, the 
latter being mainly oil from Peru or California. The refining 
could not be effected without adequate water; and this, as we 
shall see below, is obtained from the ground water. It is interest- 
ing to note that the materials for the manufacture of blasting 
powder are found locally — saltpeter, sulphur from the Cordillera, 
and charcoal (formerly) from the roots of extinct forests buried 
in the sands. But charcoal is now replaced by imported coal dust. 

Mining in the Western Cordillera 

As there is no other important mining activity west of the 
Maritime Cordillera we may pass to this range, merely noting 
that the lomas of the coast and the crystalline foothills have in 
the past produced valuable copper ores, notably near Ilo and 
about the headwaters of the Rio de Moquegua, and at any time 
metal mining may take a fresh start along the western side of 
the Andes. One copper mine, at Cerro Verde south of Arequipa, 
has already been reopened and is exporting its ore to Mollendo. 

The group of volcanic peaks east of Arequipa encloses a basin 
with no outlet — the Pampa de Salinas. Formerly it contained 
a lake, but now water lies there only in the wet months, so that 
the bed is virtually a salar. A large part of the salt beds consist 
of boronatrocalcite (ulexite) which is the chief source of borax. 
The position and impermeable character of the bed points to an 
origin due to boric exhalations — derived from the volcanoes — 
having penetrated the water from below. The material from 
this bed is dried in ovens and exported on llama or mule back to 
Arequipa. At present this salar produces only a small proportion 
of the world's borax supply, the major part of which comes from 
the similar but greater salar of Ascotan, south of our region. 
But, when the projected railway to Arequipa is built, a much 
greater output is anticipated. A further source of borax has 



MINERALS AND MINES 57 

been located at Chilicolpa on one of the head streams of the 
Mauri, but this is as yet undeveloped. 

There are probably few volcanic peaks in the Western Cor- 
dillera which do not have sulphur deposits as a witness of their 
recent activity, and the digging and collection of it form one 
of the occupations of the mountain Indians — the crude sulphur 
being carried by them down to the nitrate fields, there to be 
used in making blasting powder. From the standpoint of pro- 
duction, however, the volcano of Tacora is by far the most im- 
portant locality in the Andes, while there are other important 
deposits in the vicinity of the volcano of Isluga (19 10' S.). 
The deposits of Tacora are still in process of formation in solfa- 
taras; the sulphur is extracted simply by digging, which is car- 
ried on by Aymara Indians who come from the Bolivian side for 
periods of work. The mining is often interrupted in winter by 
snow. The sulphur is refined by sublimation in iron retorts, the 
local yareta shrub supplying the fuel. With the railway station 
of Ancara a few miles away these mines can undoubtedly look 
forward to supplying foreign markets with sulphur. 

Mining in the Western Altiplano 

Native copper is of commercial importance in only two places 
in the world — on the shores of Lake Superior and at Corocoro. 
The occurrence on the Altiplano of the metal in its pure state 
was of great importance in prehistoric times since it led to the 
malleable copper being employed before sufficient metallurgical 
knowledge had been acquired to enable the miners to extract the 
metal by smelting the commoner ores of copper. The native 
copper at Corocoro is intimately associated with the grains of 
the sandstone and occurs in the neighborhood of one of the 
main geological faults of the piateau, to which reference has 
been made. The copper ore, like other minerals of the Altiplano, 
was formerly exported on llama back to the coast; and the cost 
of exporting the heavy product in this manner long delayed the 
full development of the mines. But improved transport facilities 7 

7 See below, p. 182. 



58 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

culminating in the opening of the railroad to Arica have greatly 
simplified the export of the copper concentrates, from which 
about 6,000 metric tons of the metal are now procured annually, 
and the mines are probably entering upon an era of increased 
prosperity. 

Mining in the Eastern Cordillera 

The map on Plate II shows the position of the more impor- 
tant mines falling within the La Paz sheet. For the metals tin 
and copper conventional signs are inserted indicating the amount 
of concentrated ore produced in 191 5, the last year for which 
the writer has had access to detailed statistics. It will be seen 
from this map that the mines of the Eastern Cordillera fall in 
two zones extending from northwest to southeast, the one in the 
Cordillera Real including all the mines from Milluni to Beren- 
guela, and the other beginning at Oruro and including all mines 
to the southeast of it. It will be noted that the second zone 
starts at the latitude of the supposed structural break in the 
Cordillera, to which attention was drawn in Chapter II. It is not 
necessary here to draw attention to the mineralogical distinctions 
between these two zones; but it must be pointed out that, while 
both produce the metals tin, silver, tungsten, and bismuth the 
more southerly has by far the greater output of tin and it alone 
still carries a large amount of silver. In passing it should be 
noted that in the extension of this zone, beyond the sheet limit, 
occur the remaining important tin and silver mines of Bolivia. 
Gold is practically restricted to the northern zone. This metal, 
while it occurs in thin threads in many of the rocks of the Cor- 
dillera Real, is not found in sufficient quantity to repay the 
working of the lodes. It has been extracted by washing in the 
valleys since very early times; but the only placer mine which 
has been successful in recent years is in the Chuquiaguillo valley 
north of La Paz. 

We have seen that silver was the main attraction for the 
early Spanish settlers in this region, and with easily accessible 
lodes and practically unlimited labor they produced enormous 



MINERALS AND MINES 59 

quantities of the metal. It has been estimated that from 1553 
to 1910 the mines of Bolivia produced 48,800,000 kilograms of 
silver, and of this 30,000,000 were credited to the silver mountain 
of Potosf which lies just outside our area. Oruro, Colquiri, and 
Colquechaca have all been great silver producers; and the city 
of Oruro in 1678 had a Spanish population of nearly 38,000 and 
at least as many Indians, or a total of about five times its 
present population. Today the chief silver mines of Bolivia are 
outside the region under discussion, and only Colquechaca and 
Colquiri are producing this metal in quantity. 

On the other hand, the tin mines in the Uncia-Llallagua dis- 
trict are amongst the richest in the world and together they 
produce about three-sevenths of the Bolivian supply of that 
metal, while the Oruro, Huanuni, Morococala, Totoral, and 
Avicaya tin mines are of great importance today. A wide stretch 
of the high plateaus southeast of Oruro is formed of thick beds 
of andesite lavas which in the past have flooded the older denuded 
surface. These volcanic beds doubtless conceal much of the 
metalliferous rocks, as the richest lodes occur about its southern 
and western margins — Llallagua, Huanuni, and Negro Pabellon 
— or, as at Morococala, in hills of the older rock which protrude 
through the andesite. 

One of the most striking features of the mines of the La Paz 
sheet is their great altitude. Some of them are responsible for 
leading important population groups far above the limit of com- 
fortable living and into a zone which would otherwise be unin- 
habited. The heights above sea level of the leading mines are 
in round figures: Morococala, 5,000 meters, Colquechaca and 
Caracoles, 4,800 m.; Milluni and Araca, 4,500 m., Uncia, 4,400 
m.; while Oruro, Huanuni, Colquiri, Totoral and Avicaya and 
Llallagua are all at about 4,000 m. Manual labor at such alti- 
tudes is of course possible only for the native Indians. The 
mines formerly had to rely entirely upon the local sources ol 
fuel, either taquia, yareta, or charcoal from the forests. But 
imported fuel, and especially oil, is gradually taking their place. 
The ores of all metals are concentrated mechanically or by hand 



60 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

sorting at or near the mines and until recently have all been ex- 
ported in this condition. But tin smelting has made a start 
both at La Paz and Arica. Since 191 3 the mines have had two 
railroads at their disposal — to Antofagasta and Arica respec- 
tively, and at present it looks as though the export of all ores 
in the area will eventually take place from Arica. 8 

« See below, p. 183. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE OCEAN 

The part of the Pacific Ocean which is included in the La Paz 
sheet requires some description, for certain of its characteristics 
are of peculiar interest in themselves and have in addition an 
important bearing on the geography of the land. The South 
Pacific Ocean is shallowest in the center; near its eastern and 
western limits it exhibits profound depth. The marginal hollow 
on the east is known as the Atacama Trench, which extends 
from about latitude io° S. to 28 S. and forms part of a wider 
and longer though shallower basin. The basin and trench form 
a feature comparable in magnitude to the Andes themselves, 
and these land and ocean features have to be considered together 
in discussing the major relief of the earth's crust. Without 
entering into such topics we may note here in passing that in the 
spheroidal surface of the earth it is such depressions as the 
Atacama Trench which alone form concave hollows. The sound- 
ings in this trench are few in number, and we have consequently 
but a very general idea of its shape. But it seems certain that 
its depth varies considerably from place to place; and while 
its slopes in general are probably so gentle that, were the sea 
removed, they would scarcely be perceptible to the eye, yet in 
places there are high submarine precipices. This has been 
demonstrated by Agassiz, who recorded soundings close together 
in the latitude of Callao of 836 and 5,706 meters. The only men 
other than scientists who are directly interested in the form of 
the ocean floor at such great depths are those concerned in the 
laying of submarine cables. All three of the main cables on the 
west coast of South America cross the area represented on this 
map, one close to the shore and the other two at depths of be- 
tween 2,000 and 4,000 meters. These latter link Callao with 
Iquique, and, instead of following the most direct track between 



62 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 




^j 



these ports and so traversing the deep trench, 
they keep to shallower floor and follow 
contour lines rather closely. 

From the recorded soundings it is possible 
to recognize four — perhaps five — separate 
abysses in the Atacama Trench . The deepest 
of these, which reaches at least to 7,635 
meters (4,175 fathoms), lies to the south of 
our area; and Krummel Deep, of which a 
large portion appears on the La Paz sheet, 
exhibits a bottom below 6,500 meters (max- 
imum recorded, 6,827 m.). This represents a 
somewhat greater depression below sea level 
than the elevation above it of the Western 
Cordillera. The horizontal distance between 
these parallel features — the Cordillera crest 
and the trench — is about 300 kilometers, and 
the present coast line is about midway be- 
tween them. The comparative relief on land 
and sea is shown on Figure 8, which represents 
the slopes on the true scale. 

The waters which are represented on the 
map form part of one of the major ocean 
streams of the earth — the Humboldt, or 
Peru, Current; the entire body of water 
within a range of about 100 miles of the coast 
being constantly on the move northward 
with an average velocity of from ten to 
fifteen sea miles in every twenty-four hours 
at the surface decreasing downwards prob- 
ably to a slow creep along the bottom. We 
shall see that the consequences of this fact 
are far-reaching. Without discussing here 
the causes of oceanic circulation let us recall 
that an important element in setting up the 
currents is variation in density, which 



THE OCEAN 63 

depends largely on temperature and on relative salinity; and 
this in turn leads us to evaporation, which is closely related 
to atmospheric temperatures. On the other hand, surface drifts 
are set up by the prevailing winds, and the deeper waters tend 
to be carried along with these by friction. 

All these elements help to bring a mass of water from the 
sub-Antarctic Ocean northward along the west coast of South 
America to the neighborhood of the equator as an ocean current. 
Moreover, since moving objects of all kinds in the southern 
hemisphere are deflected to the left by the earth's rotation, the 
current would move more and more strongly towards the north- 
west as it approached the equator. This deflection is accelerated 
in the case of the Humboldt Current by the changed trend 
of the coast beyond Arica. Apart from this the upper layers 
are blown along more rapidly in the same direction by the pre- 
vailing southerly and southeasterly winds, and the current in 
places attains the velocity of l>£ knots (2.75 km. per hour). 
Over the open sea in this area the southeasterly trade wind 
predominates to a greater extent than it does on the coast, 
where it is pulled notably inwards to the land; and the result is 
that the surface water is constantly being driven away from the 
coast south of the latitude of Arica and north of that place is 
carried along parallel to the coast more rapidly than the lower 
strata. To maintain the level there is a steady up-welling of 
deep water to the surface, and this water is relatively cold. Deep 
ocean water coming to the surface in any part of the world would 
be relatively cold, but here, owing to the Humboldt Current the 
ocean on its floor has a lower temperature — below 35 F. (1.67 
C.) — than the water to the west of it. The records concerning 
the water actually represented on the map are meager. The data 
assembled by Hoffmann 1 bring out the very gradual increase of 
average surface temperature from south to north. In the lati- 
tude of Arica this average is given as 18. l° C. (65 F.), whereas 
the average for the South Pacific Ocean between latitude 16 
and 20 S. is 23. 5 C. (74.3 F.). 2 Murray in his maps of ocean 

1 Paul Hoffmann, (80), p. 76. 2 Otto Kriimmel, (79), Vol. 1, p. 400. 



64 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

surface temperature shows 3 the area as having a minimum (Aug.) 
between 50 and 6o° F. (io° and 15. 56 C.) and a maximum 
(Feb.) between 70 and 8o° F. (21.11 and 26.67 C); but this 
annual range would appear to be too great, for Coker 4 after 
taking over 300 readings between January, 1907, and July, 
1908, along the whole coast of Peru as far south as Mollendo 
(western limit of the La Paz sheet) arrived at the tentative con- 
clusion that the surface waters of the current undergo little 
change of temperature either from month to month or place to 
place. This at least is true of the water near shore where the 
maximum up-welling takes place. Here the surface tempera- 
tures are lowest and most uniform. Hoffmann gives tempera- 
tures for Valparaiso (33 S.), Coquimbo (30 S.), and Callao 
(12 S.) which show less than 1° C. of difference between Co- 
quimbo and Callao in March and a similar difference between 
Valparaiso and Callao in November and December. Observa- 
tions further point to an increase seawards of at least l° C. for 
every 15 miles. Buchanan 5 who made temperature and other 
observations on this coast in April, 1885, records 67 F. at Arica 
and 73 crossing the bight to the west and emphasizes the con- 
trast in color from the green, cold water of the coast to the deep 
ultramarine water from ten to fifteen miles off shore. 

We have seen that the Humboldt Current is cool and stable 
in temperature. In winter, sea and air temperatures are almost 
identical. The British survey ship Beagle in sailing from Iquique 
to Callao (in July, 1835) records both as between 6o° and 63 
F. (15.6 and 17.2 C.). 6 But in summer the water is cooler than 
the air over it and much cooler than the air over the coast lands. 
The early conquistador es realized this fact and made a practice 
of submerging their wine to cool it in the absence of an ice supply. 
The important climatic features which result from this tempera- 
ture difference have already been noted. Equally important is 
the effect which low ocean temperature has in the development 

• John Murray, (82). 
«R. E. Coker. (83). 

« John Y. Buchanan, (81). 

• Robert Fitz-Roy, (30). 



THE OCEAN 65 

of living things in its waters. Wherever the cold bottom water 
wells up — as in the northwest and southwest coasts of Africa, 
off California and northern Mexico, and in our region — the 
ocean abounds with life of all sorts. But Buchanan, with wide 
oceanographical experience, states 7 that "no waters in the ocean 
so teem with life as those of the west coast of South America. 
A bucket of water collected over the side is turbid with living 
organisms (visible and microscopic), the food of countless 
shoals of fish who in their turn afford prey for innumerable 
schools of porpoises" and, as we shall see, for immense numbers 
of seals, sea lions, and birds also. 

Four physical features of these waters combine to make them 
a leading area for the propagation of marine life. These are 
the relatively low salinity, the lowness and stability of tempera- 
ture, and the upward movement of bottom water. Low salinity 
and temperature help absorption of oxygen and nitrogen from 
the air at the surface, and the marine plants and animals are 
able to retain these elements in the water by their physiological 
processes. Moreover, low salinity favors solution of silica by 
water. Silica is supplied constantly by the volcanic and other 
dust from the land, and it is an essential to the skeletons of 
many of the humbler forms of life. The microscopic plants 
such as algae, whose nitrogenous tissue feeds the Crustacea, etc., 
live in the light zone, i. e. near the surface. At death they sink 
and in most parts of the ocean remain below; but here the coastal 
up-welling again restores them to the light zone, there to be de- 
composed and so to furnish an unending source of material for 
new plant life and hence an unending supply of the higher forms 
of life. 

The Pacific as a whole is a relatively calm ocean, and in this 
section storms are most infrequent. The trade winds blow with 
a moderate force — on the Beaufort scale 3>£ in winter and 4 to 
\yi in summer. A sailing ship before a wind of this force with 
shortened sail would travel under 5 knots in winter and some 6)4 
knots in summer. But, as the current and wind act together, 

7 John Y. Buchanan, op. cit. 



06 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

these speeds are increased by nearly I knot. It is worthy of note 
that the coasting steamers charge a 10 per cent increase in fare 
on the southerly as compared with the northerly journey. For 
some two centuries after the Conquest the Spanish navigators 
sailing southward to Chile hugged the coast, and the voyage 
from Callao to Valparaiso commonly occupied twelve months 
or more. It was not until the early eighteenth century that a 
bolder spirit sailed out on the ocean and, by utilizing the pre- 
vailing westerlies in southern latitudes, reduced the passage to 
one month. While storms are seldom experienced, the sea is 
never still, and the constant swell produces breakers along the 
whole coast. This makes it impossible for larger vessels to come 
alongside anywhere, and landing is often difficult for small ships 
and lighters even at the ports and coves. These are few in num- 
ber, as is to be expected in such a smooth coast line. Caleta 
Buena, considering its exposed position, is singularly free from 
bad surf, and the loading of nitrates from the cliff railroad to 
the lighters and so to the vessels is seldom interrupted. Caleta 
Junin, another nitrate port, on the other hand, has many "surf 
days" on which loading work is suspended. Pisagua with its 
southern protection of Punta de Pichalo is a relatively good 
port for this coast. Caleta Chica is small and well protected 
but is used chiefly as a refuge. The port of Arica, although it 
has a mole 250 yards long, has wharfage only for lighters. The 
anchorage is the best on the coast, but from June to August the 
rollers are often so heavy as to stop all traffic in the port. The 
roadstead of Ilo forms one of the best harbors, since "surf days" 
are unknown. On this coast tides scarcely enter into naviga- 
tional considerations, the average rise at spring tide being only 
in the neighborhood of five feet (1.5 m.). 



CHAPTER V 

THE CLIMATE 

Continuous meteorological records, mostly for short periods, 
have been kept at six stations within the area of the La Paz 
sheet and at six around its borders. The following discussion of 
climatic conditions is based upon these records and upon iso- 
lated observations made by travelers and residents. Such de- 
ductions as are drawn regarding cause and effect must be taken 
as tentative, in view of the character of the data available. 

The facts regarding stations for which continuous meteorologi- 
cal records are available are as in Table I. 




Fig. 9 — Distribution of the mean annual precipitation and of the belts of cloud. 
Names of stations for which meteorological data exist are printed in capitals. 



68 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



Table I — Meteorological Records 









Nature of 








Records 




w 






z 






Station 


Altitude 

(Meters) 


Period 


s 

< 


H 
1/1 


> 

5 




H 
< 


g 



g 








w 
a. 
5 
w 
H 


w 
3 


a 


u 
w 
oi 





% 


*Arica . 


5 


1905 onwards 1 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


Iquique 


9 


1900 onwards 1 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


Mollendo 


25 


Nov., 1888-May, 1890 2 


+ 






+ 


+ 




Mollendo 




Apr., 1892-Dec, 1895 2 


+ 






+ 


+ 


+ 


Mollendo 




Apr., 1894-Dec, 1895 2 






+ 








*La Joya 


1,261 


Apr., 1892-Dec, 1895 2 


+ 






+ 


+ 


+ 


*La Joya 




Apr., 1894-Dec, 1895 2 






+ 








*Arequipa 


2.456 


Nov., 1888-June, 1890 2 


+ 






+ 


+ 




*Arequipa 




Nov., 1888-Apr., 1890 2 












+ 


*Arequipa 




Jan.-Oct., 1889 (less Mar.) 






+ 








Vinocaya 


4.380 


Nov., 1888-Apr., i890 2 


+ 






+ 


+ 


+ 


Chosica 


2,013 


May, 1889-Sept., 1890 2 
July, 1889-Sept., 1890 8 


+ 






+ 


+ 




Puno . 


3.825 


Nov., 1888-Mar., 1889 2 


+ 






+ 


+ 


+ 


*LaPaz. 


3.630 


Mar., 1898-Apr., 1898 3 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 






Aug., 1899- June, 1903 3 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


*Cocha- 


















bamba 


2.557 


Jan.-Aug., i874~Jan.-Mar., 1876 4 












+ 


*Cocha- 


















bamba 




Jan., 1882-Dec, 1885 4 


+ 




+ 


+ 


+ 




*Oruro . 


3.706 


Jan., 1885-Dec, 1888 8 


+ 






+ 






Sucre . 


2,848 


May, 1882-Feb., 1898 3 








+ 










Feb., 1915-Mar., 1918 6 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 



Irregular observations of varying character were made in the 
mountains near Arequipa as follows: *Chachani Ravine, Jan., 
1892 — Mar., 1893; *E1 Misti summit, Oct., 1893 — Dec, 1895; 
*"M. B. Station," Dec, 1893— Dec, 1895; Alto de los Huesos, 
Mar— Dec, 1895. 6 

* The asterisk indicates stations within the map area. 

1 , 2 , 8 , *, 6 , denote sources given in Appendix C, Bibliography, viz: 1 (86), 
2 (87). 3 (88), 4 (89), 5(90). 

+ denotes that records are available. 
8 Source for all these records is (87). 



THE CLIMATE 69 

Temperature 

In order to appreciate the great climatic variation throughout 
the area of the La Paz sheet we must bear in mind above all the 
very wide differences in altitude which occur — from over 6,000 
meters down to sea level on the one side and to some 300 meters 
on the other. With the pressure at sea level normal this means 
a difference of temperature of some 30 C. (54 F.) between our 
lowest and highest zones. This difference of temperature is the 
most outstanding of the climatic features. It made such an 
impression on the white settlers that they recognized well-defined 
natural zones of altitude and temperature, the names of which 
are in common use: the Puna Brava from the snow line (about 
5,000 meters) down to about 3,900 meters; the Puna, 3,900 to 
3,350 meters; the Cabezera de Valle or valley head, 3,350 to 
2,900 meters; the Valle 2,900 to 1,600 meters; and the Yungas 
below that. These names for the two lower zones apply only 
to the eastern slopes of the Andes. Mean annual temperatures 
in these zones, for places in each case about the middle of the 
zone, may be taken in order from highest to lowest as approxi- 
mately: 7 C, 12°, 15 , 20 , 25 ; the Fahrenheit equivalents 
being approximately 45 , 54°, 59 , 68°, and 77 . 7 Of the meteoro- 
logical stations above-mentioned Vinocaya is in the Puna Brava, 
Oruro, Puno, and La Paz are in the Puna, none are in the 
Cabezera; though Cochabamba, Arequipa, and Sucre are near 
the upper limit of the Valle, which is sometimes referred to as the 
Medio Valle; La Joya is in the desert, and Mollendo, Arica, and 
Iquique are on the coast. 

Almost everywhere on the plateau and in the low desert 
west of it the amount of cloud is small, and consequently radia- 
tion after sundown is very rapid. The examples given of daily 
variation of temperature (Fig. 11) for summer and winter 
periods bring this out clearly. The contrast of sun and shade 
temperatures is most striking in the Puna and higher. Figure 
10 shows a series of temperature curves for seven stations of which 

7 On later pages centigrade degrees only will be given, but a table of equivalents 
will be found in Appendix D. 



70 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



^ c 




CO 


r- 


CO u 


~> -* 


cjo 


OJ 


-p 






cc 


t— 


CO u 


■5 - 


* 


r> 


CVI 


— 






CO 
CO 

-< 

nz 
o 
o 
























-5 






















<o 

U- — 

—> 
a 
z 
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LO O i-O O i-O O lO 



<NJ — — 



lOOi-OOi-OOlOOlO 
(Nj CVI — — — — 



THE CLIMATE 71 

only Vinocaya is outside the area. The records from which they 
have been plotted supply data for one year or more in every 
case and include in four cases mean maxima, mean minima, and 
mean temperatures for every month. But for Oruro only maxi- 
mum and minimum averages are available; and the mean of the 
two has been introduced to serve for general comparison. In 
the case of Cochabamba mean temperatures only have been 
published, and of these three sets of figures exist. All of these 
have been plotted, the curves having been derived as follows: 
upper, computed by Hann 8 from all observations of Von Boeck 
and said to be too high, since the readings were too numerous ; 
middle, by Hann, using von Boeck's observations for 1885 only; 
lower, by Kriiger 9 from observations for the period of Feb., 
1900, to Jan., 1901. The mean annual temperatures correspond- 
ing to these three curves are 18. i° C, 16.4 , and 15. i° respec- 
tively. 

The curves are arranged in ascending order of altitude from 
Arica at 5 meters to Vinocaya at 4,380 meters, and a glance will 
show the progressively lower temperatures in general. Cocha- 
bamba, however, is 100 meters higher than Arequipa, and yet 
even the lowest version of its mean curve is higher than that of 
the lower station. This is explained in all probability by the 
sheltered position of Cochabamba in a basin; and we shall see 
that the wind observations suggest a center of warmer air over 
this basin. Again, Oruro is only 76 meters higher than La Paz, 
but the curves are very different. Oruro is typical of the Alti- 
plano on which it is situated and shows a much greater annual 
variation and much lower winter temperatures than La Paz, 
which lies in a sheltered valley and 500 meters below the rim 
of the plateau. 

The seasonal movement of the sun over the area brings it 
vertical twice during the summer, in the end of November and 
early in January; and theoretically there should be two tempera- 
ture maxima. The only trace of this in the curves, however, is 

s Julius Hann, (91). 

9 Rodolfo Kriiger, Bol. Observ. Meterol. de La Paz, No. 4. 



72 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

in those for La Paz and Vinocaya. If the observations were for 
longer periods, however, it is possible that this feature would 
emerge more clearly. As it is, the curves for Arequipa, La 
Paz, Oruro, and Cochabamba exhibit a tendency to rise in the 
spring more steeply than they descend in the autumn. There is 
considerable variation in position of the maximum at the dif- 
ferent stations between November and March; but the lowest 
temperatures are always in June or July. 

If we compare the three stations west of the Cordillera we find 
that, save for one month at Arequipa during the rains, the mean 
maxima are always above 20° C, and the mean minima are 
never below o° C. Of the three stations La Joya, in the middle 
of the desert, experiences the most regular temperature varia- 
tion, its maxima and minima being almost always equidistant. 
The Arequipa curves show the smallest difference between high 
and low in January and February, that is during the rains. 

In comparing the three high stations we may note the more 
equable temperatures of La Paz, with its mean maximum nearly 
always above 15 C. and its mean minimum never below o° C. 
At Oruro we find six months with mean maxima below 15 C. 
and mean minima below the freezing point. At Vinocaya in an 
eighteen months period only six months show mean maxima 
over 1 5 C, and only one has a mean minimum over 0° C. 

These curves do not give us a quite correct impression of the 
temperatures experienced by man on the plateaus because they 
are shade observations, and during the day men shun the shade . 
Everywhere west of the Eastern Cordillera the amount of sun- 
shine is great, and its heating effect on account of the thinness 
of the atmosphere is high. Thus, while ice may be lying all day 
in shady spots, the sun's rays may be burning the skin of the 
white man in the open. The suddenness with which temperature 
drops when a cloud obscures the sun is one of the features which 
most impresses the traveler in these high regions. 

We shall be able to appreciate more fully the effects of the 
altitudinal range, attenuated atmosphere, and absence of cloud, 
if we examine examples of daily variation in temperature. 



THE CLIMATE 



73 



Figure n represents a plotting of records for typical weeks in 
summer and winter at five of the above stations and a summer 
week for Puno in addition. Two features stand out in a general 
way at first sight, the reduction in temperature with increase of 
altitude and the great difference in daily range between the 




Fig. i i — Graphs showing daily variations in temperature for typical weeks in 
summer and winter at six stations. Constructed from data published as follows 
(numbers refer to Appendix C, Bibliography): Arica (86); La Paz (88); Remainder 
(87). 



coast and the highest station. At four stations the range is 
greater in winter than in summer. Let us examine the graphs 
for each place in turn. 

At Arica in summer the thermometer behaves with almost 
clocklike regularity. During the morning the temperature 



74 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

mounts fast, reaching a maximum soon after noon. Then the 
sea breeze begins to blow, and the influx of cool air from the 
coastal waters causes a sudden drop in temperature, while 
after sunset radiation produces a further drop to the minimum. 
Observations for 7 A. M., 2 P. M., and 9 P. M. are almost identical. 
In winter the sea breeze blows with less regularity, and there is 
consequently more variation in maximum temperatures. 

La Joya is a railway station in the desert 1,250 meters above 
sea level. Its greater altitude gives it lower summer tempera- 
tures than at Arica. The clearness of its desert sky gives it 
lower night temperatures throughout the year. The winter 
maxima are higher than those of Arica because the sky was 
overcast on all but the first day of the week at that place. 

At both Arequipa and La Paz the extremes were markedly 
greater in winter than in summer, the La Paz thermometer going 
below o° C. nearly every night in the June week. Puno is on the 
western shore of Lake Titicaca, and, although it is 100 meters 
higher than Oruro, it enjoys a much more equable climate, 
thanks to the stabilizing effect upon temperature of the large 
body of lake water. Observations are available for the months 
November to March, but these give ground for believing that 
the temperature curves are much more like those of La Paz, 200 
meters below it, than those of Oruro. The mean daily range for 
the five months observed was between 3. 6° and 18 C, and the 
variation from that was very slight. 

The weekly curves of Vinocaya are probably a good represen- 
tation of typical winter and summer conditions on the higher 
plateaus and along the lower slopes of the mountains which rise 
above them. 

Pressure and Winds 

The great differences in altitude of course lead to very large 
normal pressure variation throughout the region. It is the de- 
partures from these normals which produce pressure gradients 
and the consequent movement of air, or winds. We have a 
certain limited knowledge of wind direction and force through- 



THE CLIMATE 75 

out the region, but the data regarding barometric variation are 
much too sparse to be of any use in explaining the winds observed. 
We must be satisfied, then, for the present with a statement of 
wind observations and, while offering suggestions as to causes, 
await further investigation before attempting complete explana- 
tion. Theoretically the area is entirely within the limits of the 
belt of southeast trade winds. But actually these regular winds 
with their normal direction seem to affect only the outer fringe 
of the eastern Andes and the ocean well away from the coast. 

Winds on the Coast and Western Cordillera 

In this western section of the area under discussion the normal 
trade winds do not blow; but the movement of air is, neverthe- 
less, extremely regular, and seasonal variation is relatively un- 
important. The factor determining the dominant winds is the 
contrast of temperature and pressure over ocean and land. The 
rapid heating of the low desert and mountain slopes as the sun 
climbs throughout the forenoon produces a strong indraft from 
the cool ocean, diverting the wind from its normal southeasterly 
to a southwesterly direction. This strong sea breeze — virazon 
— blows every afternoon in the year on the coast and presumably 
also in the desert. From sunset till after sunrise calm or a light 
land breeze — terral — prevails; but the amount of outflow in 
nowise compensates for the indraft of the viraz6n, perhaps be- 
cause the general dominant movement of air is towards the 
equator. 

Figure 12 shows wind roses for Arica. These bring out the 
marked uniformity of regimen throughout the year. The dis- 
tinction between summer and winter is chiefly the greater pro- 
portion of morning and evening calm in the former. This 
feature as well as the more frequent land winds in winter (at 
7 A. M. and 9 P. M.) seems to indicate that in summer the greater 
warmth of the continent keeps the relative pressure sufficiently 
low to prevent most of the outflow of air to the ocean. Wind 
conditions at Iquique and Mollendo — respectively just south 
and west of the sheet — are very similar to those at Arica. At 



76 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



Iquique calms are less frequent, and at Mollendo the sea breeze 
rarely blows from west or south, southeast being a common 
direction. The general directions of coast and trade wind nearly 
coincide from Mollendo onwards, but there are many afternoons 
on which the air moves inwards from south to north. The viraz6n 



Oct. to Mar 



Apr. to Sept. 




T*f{.n 



2°-°P.M 



9°-°RM 



9°. P.M 




Fig. 12 — Wind roses for Arica; constructed from the three daily observations 
for the period: Feb. ion to Dec. 1913, from Annuario Meteoroldgico de Chile. 

is both an advantage and a disadvantage to the inhabitants of 
the coastal towns. On the one hand it brings sudden relief every 
day from the relentless heat (cf. Fig. n), and on the other, as the 
raiser of surf it provides a serious obstacle to embarkation 
operations at every port. 



THE CLIMATE 



77 



NOV. to MAY 

N 



NOV. to JUNE 

N 



7°-°A.M. 



2°-°P.M. 




832 P. M 



Fig. 13 — Wind roses for Arequipa. Constructed from the three daily observations 
for the period: Nov. 1888 to June 1890; from Annals of the Astronomical Observatory 
of Harvard College, Vol. 39, Part I, 1899. 



Arequipa, 80 kilometers from the ocean and 2,400 meters 
above it, is still under the influence of land and sea winds. The 
published records for the period 1 888-1 890 show a remarkable 
change in conditions in the autumn of 1888. The wind roses on 
Figure 13 have, therefore, been drawn for three periods — two 
summers and one winter — with the first division at this abrupt 
change between May and June. A glance at the figure shows that 
throughout the entire period November-May, 1888, winds were 
from between south and west-southwest from morning till 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



NOV. to MAY 

N 



NOV. to APRIL 

N 



7°°A.M, 



2mn 



9°-°P.M 




35% calm 



44% calm 



16% calm 



Fig. 14 — Wind roses for Vinocaya. Constructed from the three daily observa- 
tions for the period: Nov. 1888 to Apr. 1890; from Annals of the Astronomical Ob- 
servatory of Harvard College, Vol. 39, Part 1, 1899. 

evening; while in the year following only the afternoon winds — 
the sea breezes — had that direction, the morning and evening 
movement being consistently from northeast. In the year 1889- 
1890, then, there were twice as many observations of wind from 
the higher plateaus as there were of ocean wind. The Arequipa 
station is situated opposite the deep gorge of the Chili which 
would serve to divert any northerly or easterly wind to the 
direction observed. The observations of calm at this station 
are negligible. 



THE CLIMATE 



79 



The data for Vinocaya cover approx- 
imately the same period as those for 
Arequipa, and wind roses have been 
plotted (Fig. 14) for the same subdivi- 
sions of time, in order that comparison 
may be made. No change of condi- 
tions appears to have taken place here 
at the end of May, 1888, the propor- 
tions of the wind roses being fairly 
constant. There are some easterly and 
north-easterly winds, chiefly confined 
to the early morning, but even at 7 
A. M. the winds were often from the 
south. From 2 P. M. till 9 P. M. at least 
the sea breezes were completely dom- 
inant at Vinocaya, which is 150 kilo- 
meters from the ocean and 4,380 meters 
above it. The morning and evening 
winds were mostly light, and there is 
an important percentage of calm 
weather. 

Winds on the Altiplano and 
Eastern Cordillera 



7« AX. 



22SP.M 



9~P.M. 




16% calm 



Fig. is — Wind roses for 
Puno. Constructed from the 
three daily observations for 
the period: Nov. 1888 to Mar. 
1889; from Annals of the 
Astronomical Observatory of 
Harvard College, Vol. 39, Part 
1, 1899. 



The records for Puno cover only the 
summer of 1 888-1 889. The wind roses 
for this period (Fig. 15) seem to in- 
dicate the presence of a local air circula- 
tion in the Titicaca basin. Through- 
out most of the day, air is passing from the cool lake to the warm 
land, and by 9 P. m. we find a return current as the land cools. 
Of the winds observed at 7 A. M. and 2 P. M. 86 per cent and 96 
per cent respectively blew from east or southeast, while at 9 
P. M. 93 per cent were from between southwest and northwest. 
To prove that such a cause explains the Puno observations it 
would be necessary to have data from the other side of the lake. 



80 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

But it may be noted that the recollections of a resident regard- 
ing the winds in the southern part of the lake only partially con- 
firm the existence of such a simple system. This observer, 10 who 
knows the lake well, states that on the eastern shore of the 
lower lake there is a light early morning breeze from north or 
northeast, followed by a calm about 10 A. m. Towards noon a 
westerly wind springs up over the whole lake and becomes strong 
about 2 p. M. About 4 P. M. this veers to north, whence it con- 
tinues to blow till about 9 P. M. Thereafter calm or light air 
from the lake follows. At Huaqui the westerly wind prevails in 
the early afternoon, then dies down, giving place often to a 
southerly breeze, to be followed in the evening again by a strong 
westerly lasting several hours. Winds are strongest and most 
continuous in August when they are chiefly westerly, while 
the smallest amount of wind is in June. In the rainy season — 
which corresponds in time to the records for Puno — he describes 
rapid changes of wind accompanied by hailstorms on the moun- 
tains and sometimes by whirlwinds. In this season the wind 
may blow from all points of the compass within two hours. From 
this and other accounts it is clear that at least in summer deep 
local depressions form and disperse over the Altiplano, but we 
have no evidence as to the direction they follow. 

Several erstwhile residents of Oruro agree that by far the 
strongest and incidentally most unpleasant winds in that dis- 
trict come from the west, and this seems to apply also on the 
Altiplano to the south of Oruro. An official statement 11 gives 
the dominant winds as northwest, west, and southwest, of which 
the last are the strongest. From July to September they often 
have the force of gales and carry clouds of dust. They are known 
locally as Cosecha de la muerte — "harvest of death" — on account 
of the bronchial troubles which are engendered by the dust. It is 
doubtless in part owing to these winds that the city is sited on 
the east side of the hills, and the sand dunes to the south have 
been built up by these westerlies. 

10 Charles W. Foster, M. D., in a letter. 

11 Diccionario geografico de la Repliblica de Bolivia, Vol. 4, 1004, p. 71. 



THE CLIMATE 



81 




Fig. 16 — Wind roses for La Paz for each month, 
and mean annual for the period, August 1899 to July 
1901. Constructed from data in Boletin del Observa- 
tario Meteoroldgico, La Paz, 1901. 



82 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Wind observations have been kept at La Paz, and some of 
them are set forth in Figure 16. La Paz is an extremely bad 
station from which to draw conclusions regarding air circulation, 
since the winds which reach it must necessarily be diverted 
locally so as to blow up or down the valleys which converge 
there. By making allowances for these features, however, it is 
possible to deduce certain useful facts regarding wind direction. 
The wind rose for the year shows that on by far the largest 
number of days the wind is southeasterly, while there are about 
equal amounts of wind from east and northeast and of wind 
varying between west and northwest. The first three directions 
correspond to the directions of the La Paz valley and the two 
passes in the Cordillera Real, and we may reasonably suppose 
that together the winds from these points are the trade winds, 
finding their way through and over the mountains. The winds 
from between west and northwest seem to correspond to the 
dominant winds of Oruro, and they are most marked in the 
winter months at both places. But they are less important than 
the easterly group, and thus La Paz is the first station we have 
discussed at which the normal trade winds are dominant. Resi- 
dents of La Paz often notice a cloud banner streaming eastward 
from the summit of Illimani for days and even weeks on end. 
At first sight this might seem to indicate a westerly wind at an 
altitude of 6,000 meters — perhaps the anti-trade. But it may 
equally well denote the presence of the normal trade wind con- 
densing the last of its moisture on the slopes of the mountain. 
The monthly wind roses for La Paz, which represent the averages 
of two years, show that winds with an easterly component pre- 
vail in all months except June and July and that from December 
to May southeast is the dominant direction. 

Wind records for Cochabamba are unsatisfactory. They are 
available only for eight consecutive months of one year and the 
numbers of observations vary in the case of two months. 12 

12 The records of H. Ugarte given by Eugen von Boeck, (89), p. 458, are for 1874, 
Jan.-Aug. and 1875, Jan.-Mar. In July and August 74 and 58 observations were 
made respectively with no indication of date or hour. In the case of these months, 
therefore, the totals have been reduced by the factors & Ya and 3 M;s. 



THE CLIMATE 



83 



Roses have, however, been constructed (Fig. 17), and they 
possess some points of interest. The only mountain barrier 
close to Cochabamba lies to the north, and apparently it does 
not eliminate wind from that quarter. It will be noted that from 
January to March and again in May and June winds have a 




Fig. 17 — Wind roses for Cochabamba for the period January to August 1874. 
Constructed from observations by E. von Boeck in Mittelungen der K. K. Ceogr. 
Gesell. in Wien, Vol. 19, N. S., 1886. 



strong westerly component but that otherwise southeast is the 
dominant wind direction. The combined wind rose brings out 
the great proportion of winds from between southeast and south- 
west. 



84 THE CENTRAL ANDES ' 

Other observations were made in 1851 by Gibbon from Decem- 
ber to April, generally at 9 a. m., and 3 p. m. 13 In the 283 observa- 
tions winds were distributed as follows: 



NE. 


E. 


SE. 


sw. 


w. 


NW. 


CALM 


39 


1 


100 


69 


I 


13 


60 



The windiest periods in Cochabamba are August-October and 
November-December. Like most of the other stations considered 
Cochabamba has most of its wind in the afternoon — starting here 
about 3 P. M. It is possible that the southwesterly winds here 
may be evidence of a low pressure area in the southern Altiplano ; 
this is perhaps supported by the observations at Oruro and at 
Sucre (see below). But equally well would they be accounted 
for by a local depression in the relatively warm basin of Cocha- 
bamba itself. 

We have but one other wind station to note, and it is some 
70 kilometers east of the sheet area. Sucre is situated on a high 
plateau with only low hills about it, which do not divert winds in 
any appreciable degree. With this in mind we must attach im- 
portance to the somewhat surprising nature of the observations 
of wind direction. The records from which the wind roses on 
Figure 18 have been constructed are those of a well-equipped 
station maintained by Jesuits. They are believed to have been 
published regularly since 191 5; but, owing to gaps in the series 
at my disposal, I have had to limit the data for discussion to the 
months Feb.-Dec, 1915, taking in January, 1917, in order to get 
a diagram for each month. From the regularity of the wind direc- 
tion exhibited, however, these data may reasonably be taken as 
typical of any year. Throughout the entire year winds from 
northeast and north-northeast were by far the most frequent, the 
former prevailing for ten months and the latter for two, February 
and April. Appreciable divergence from these directions took 
place only between April and June and then mainly in the morn- 
ing. Calm periods were noted only in the morning (7 A. M.) and 

13 William Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon: Exploration of the Valley of 
the Amazon, a Report to the U. S. Navy Department, Vol. 2, pp. 323-331, Wash- 
ington, D.C., 1854. 



THE CLIMATE 

N 



85 




Fig. 18 — Wind roses for Sucre, showing dominant winds for each month in 
1915 save January (observations missing) which is replaced by January 1917. 
Constructed from data published in Boletin del Observatorio Meteoroldgico (S. J.). 
Sucre. 

then rarely. It must be noted, however, that the movement of 
wind at higher levels over Sucre, as revealed by cloud observa- 
tion during the same period, was most frequently from northwest 
to southeast. 



86 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Summary 

In conclusion we may summarize the results of this examina- 
tion of wind conditions. We have no records from the eastern 
slope, but it is generally conceded that the prevailing winds there 
are from the east or southeast, as they are over the ocean away 
from the coast. These winds, however, do not blow constantly; 
they prevail as up-valley winds throughout most of the day but 
are to some extent compensated for by down-valley wmds at 
night. Over the western Andes and most of the Altiplano the 
main movement is from west and southwest. At Sucre it is from 
northeast. At Cochabamba southeasterly winds predominate, 
while the southwesterlies are next in importance. At La Paz the 
same is true — allowing for configuration. It would, therefore, 
appear that the Bolivian plateau draws air towards it and must 
consequently be a center of low pressure. The winds of Sucre and 
Oruro would seem to indicate that the kernel of this "low" is at 
about 20° S., over the great white salars. If this be so there 
must be a strong up-draught here, and the local cyclones of the 
plateau may take their origin in this area. The Cordillera Real 
appears to form a real barrier to air movement, although the 
easterlies succeed in penetrating here and there, as at La Paz. 
Lastly, if the anti-trades exist above this region they are probably 
not to be met below 6,500 meters. 

Precipitation 

Bearing in mind the average conditions of air circulation, we 
may proceed to consider the moisture it carries and the conditions 
of condensation and precipitation. With the barrier of the 
Eastern Cordillera thrown across its path, the trade wind, which 
has passed from the Atlantic over the lower portions of the conti- 
nent, is forced to rise rapidly on the slopes. Moreover, in the 
southern summer these winds are reaching their goal — the 
vicinity of the thermal equator — in this latitude, and the air has 
an upward tendency on that account. The result of this is cloud 
formation and rain. The former — orographical — cause provides a 



THE CLIMATE 



87 




•° >? £ 



S E 



•2 6 



ft cd 



Og -J 



< 


J3 


0, 


H 









« 






to 


c 








* 




5 ^ 



Si: 



5 ° 



s< 



3 e 

c Si 

2g 



m m 



88 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

reason for snow and rain on the cordillera in winter, while in 
summer both causes act together to produce much heavier con- 
densation and precipitation on the mountains and over the plains 
of the Amazon basin. These meteorological conditions in the two 
seasons are illustrated by the diagrams (Figs. 19-A and 19-B) 
which, while they refer to a more northern portion of the Andes, 
still apply in our region, the only difference consisting in the 
longer dry period in the Bolivian mountains. 

Figure 9 is a tentative map of the annual precipitation in the 
La Paz sheet area. It is based upon exceedingly meager data, dis- 
cussed below, and upon deduction. But in spite of its problemat- 
ical nature it will serve as a connecting link in visualizing the 
approximate physical conditions of life. 

Precipitation on the Eastern Cordillera 

No rainfall measurement has been recorded east of the Cor- 
dillera Real, and no isohyets have been drawn in that area. It is 
certain, however, that everywhere the annual amount is over 
600 millimeters, and in the zones described as "maximum" the 
total is over 1 ,000 millimeters. From the geographical standpoint 
a very important feature of these eastern slopes is the cloud which 
is constantly formed and driven up the valleys to the passes, 
where it dissolves. This serves to reduce the temperature. It 
keeps the ground and the vegetation saturated and accounts for 
the very dense undergrowth of the Montana forest. It makes 
possible the growing of fine coca and coffee. The cloudy area, 
which is represented by a stipple on the map, is somewhat reduced 
in the winter months (see Fig. 19). The importance of convection 
currents is indicated by the frequency of thunder and hail storms 
in the valleys. Occasionally the latter are so severe that fruit 
trees are stripped bare of leaves and fruit. 

Two rainfall stations lie just on the lee side of the Cordillera, 
La Paz and Cochabamba, for which the mean annual rainfall is 
538 and 462 millimeters respectively. 14 The precipitation at La 
Paz must be derived from air which continues to rise after over- 

14 These and other means are derived from Ernst Ludwig Voss, (8s). 



THE CLIMATE 89 

topping the mountains and so has still more moisture wrung from 
it. December, January, and February are the wettest months, 
and June is the driest (see Fig. 21). At Cochabamba we have 
seen that winds from the north and east are rare, and it is likely 
that much of the rain is brought by the southeast wind from over 
the wide lower plateaus of the Eastern Andes. The same is true 
of Sucre, which is farther east and receives 694 millimeters of 
rain. Here the wind, however, is northeast. The graphs for 
Cochabamba show two years with slight winter rain and two with 
practically none. 

Precipitation on the Western Cordillera and Coast 

Given an ocean and a prevailing on-shore wind striking a 
mountain range, the obvious result would at first sight appear to 
be a copious rainfall and well-filled rivers. And yet the Western 
Cordillera is very dry, and its piedmont is a desert. The solution 
of this enigma lies, of course, in the relative temperatures of sea 
and land. These are in strongest contrast in summer. At that 
season the wind from the warmer outer ocean is cooled in travers- 
ing the waters of the Humboldt Current and the still colder up- 
welling water of the shore. Fog, therefore, is common over the 
sea. The wind, still charged with humidity, is then forced up- 
ward on striking the low but steep coast range; but apparently 
these hills have absorbed sufficient heat to cause reevaporation, 
for cloud rarely hangs over them at this season. The strong after- 
noon winds of summer, as they rise gradually with the land and 
are probably urged upward by convectional currents, form more 
and more cloud and at about 2,000 meters begin to form fog at 
ground level. Above this altitude there is more cloud in the sky, 
and rain or snow falls at intervals. But even here on the upper 
slopes of the cordillera the mountains are sufficiently warm to 
prevent regular or heavy precipitation. Figure 20 (A) and (B) illus- 
trates the cloud conditions in summer and winter on the Pacific 
slope. It seems probable that precipitation is connected in some 
way with the mingling or contact of air currents from ocean and 
plateau, since on all rainy days at Arequipa between December 



90 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



and March 1888-1889, wind blew from the northeast or north- 
northeast in the morning or evening at least. On Figure 21 the 
monthly rainfall for four summers at Arequipa is given, and the 
mean quantity for these is only 113 millimeters. The wettest 
period falls between January and March, the maximum being 
usually in February. Rainfall varies greatly from year to year, 
and it is probable that a longer series of observations would bring 
out the cyclic character of this variation. The virtual absence of 
rain in some years, as in 1888-1889, when less than 10 milli- 
meters fell, makes the storing of water imperative for the success 



EASTERLY WINDS ATHIGH ELEVATION 



DRY SEASON 

SEA BREEZE 



'iS^Mt^r^r ^r 



h1!n'fit.:iV 




F[G. 20-A — The wet and dry seasons of the Coast Range and the Cordillera are 
complementary in time. The "wet" season of the former occurs during the southern 
winter; the cloud bank on the seaward slopes of the hills is best developed at that 
time and actual rains may occur. 



EASTERLY WINDS FEEBLE 



RAINY SEASON 

SEA BREEZE 



HUMBOLDT CURREW 




Fig. 20- B — During the southern summer the seaward slopes of the Coast Range 
are comparatively clear of fog. Afternoon cloudiness is characteristic of the desert 
and increases eastward. Both figures are from Bowman: "Andes of Southern Peru," 
1916. 

of agriculture. 15 Above the level of Arequipa precipitation is 
heavier and on the higher mountain groups is mostly in the form 
of snow or hail. In the upper basin of the Rio Chili, which lies 
behind the line of high volcanic peaks, the mean rainfall is 
believed to be about 200 millimeters; and at Vinocaya, still 
farther north, it is 263 millimeters. 

In winter, conditions on the Pacific slope are different. Then 
the winds from the ocean must carry a smaller amount of hu- 
midity. But as they traverse the cooler coastal waters some of 



15 See below, p. 102, and Figure 23. 



THE CLIMATE 91 

this is condensed as cloud. Then on rising abruptly over the 
Coast Range the air gives up more moisture, and both cloud and 
rain are typical of these hills in late winter — a condition known as 
the Tiempo de lomas, by which is meant the season of rain on the 
lomas. 16 

While the foregoing description of climatic features in the 
coastal belt is true in general, there are certain exceptions which 
require mention. Indeed, it is the abnormalities of climate 
which make the most lasting impression on the inhabitants. We 
have seen that the only strong winds as a rule are from the sea; 
but in February, 191 1, occurred a phenomenon which seems to be 
experienced periodically. A hurricane from the mountains de- 
veloped in central Peru and extended southwards through 20 
degrees of latitude. It followed a heavy snowfall in the cordillera 
and reached the lowland towns as a warm northeast wind bring- 
ing heavy rain and hail, flooding the valleys. Inundations 
caused havoc at Moquegua, Tacna, and Tarapaca. A still more 
notable phenomenon occurred in the Pampa of Tamarugal in 
January and February, 1885, when there were forty consecutive 
days in which rain fell continuously from 1 to 7 P. m. The direc- 
tion of the wind in this period unfortunately is not recorded. 

Precipitation on the Altiplano 

On the Altiplano of Bolivia the most outstanding climatic 
variation is its decreasing humidity from north to south. This 
feature is abundantly proved by the southward succession of a 
large freshwater lake, Titicaca, through a salt lake, Poop6, to a 
group of salars in the southern part of the interior basin, which 
may indeed be regarded as a great evaporating pan. An attempt 
has been made to bring this out by the isohyets on Figure 9. 
These are supported by few instrumental records, which, how- 
ever, are probably drawn from almost the wettest and driest 
portions of the plateau and are therefore specially useful. At 
Puno measurements are available for only one summer — No- 

16 The question of rainfall in this section is more fully discussed by Bowman, (8), 
Chaps. 9 and 10. 



92 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



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Fig. 21 — Graphs showing monthly precipitation: A, at Cochabamba, 1882-1885 
and means for that period; B, Oruro, means for 1885-1888; C, Sucre, means for 
1883-1897; D, La Paz, Aug. 1890-Oct. 1901 and means for 1898-1902; E, Arequipa, 
Nov. 1888-Mar. 1890 and Jan. 1902-Nov. 1903. Constructed from data published 
as follows (numbers refer to App. C, Bibliography): A (89); B and C (88); Mar- 
Apr. 1898; D (88) and, for means (8s); E (87). 



vember, 1888, to March, 1889, and during these months rainfall 
was approximately equal, giving a total of 737 millimeters. This 
is almost three times the annual rainfall recorded in the same 
period for Vinocaya, which lies higher and farther west. It appar- 
ently indicates the importance to the western shore of Titicaca 
of the off-lake winds already mentioned. The country bordering 
this lake is almost certainly the wettest section of the plateau. 
La Paz with 538 millimeters of rain is in a special situation, dealt 
with above, but it gives some indication of conditions on the 
eastern edge of the plateau as far south as latitude 17 . Oruro 
with only 54 millimeters of rain is clearly in the arid portion of 



THE CLIMATE 



93 



1899 


1900 


1901 


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Mean Annual 




ASONDJFMAMJJASONDJFMAMJJASO JFMAMJJASOND 
1888 1889 1890 1902 I9°3 










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Fig. 2i continued. For description of figure see opposite page. 



the plateau; and the great difference between its annual quota 
and that of Sucre, with a mean of 694 millimeters, points to a 
westward decrease which is probably gradual over the higher 
plateaus and sudden at their western escarpment. 

It is impossible to say whence comes the moisture which is 
precipitated on the Altiplano south of Titicaca. Precipitation in 
the form of snow, hail, or rain is nearly always associated with 
violent winds, presumably connected with the local depressions 
referred to above. It takes place in the afternoon or night during 
the summer and rarely in the forenoon. 

The entire area of the La Paz sheet save the coastal hills re- 
ceives the bulk of its rain in the summer months, the month with 
the highest precipitation for most places being February; but in 



94 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

occasional years the maximum comes as early as November. 
On the Altiplano and Maritime Cordillera there is a progressive 
shortening of the rainy season from north to south, corresponding 
to the increasing aridity in that direction. The rains do not as a 
rule start suddenly but are heralded for at least a month by an 
increase in the amount of cloud, and in the same way a cloudy 
month follows, after the rains have ceased. 

A paper published when the above chapter was in proof indi- 
cates that some of the statements regarding precipitation on 
the eastern slopes of the Andes require modification. Rusby, 
discussing botanical results of a journey over the Quimsa Cruz 
Cordillera to Quime and thence to Espia on the Bopi by the 
trail marked on the map, describes 17 a number of drought resist- 
ing elements in the vegetation of the lower slopes (below 3,000 
meters) in all but certain exposed situations which are known as 
"rainbelts." This would indicate that the ranges to the east are 
somewhat higher than they are shown on the map, and that the 
local contrasts in precipitation conditions require to be more em- 
phasized. It would seem that in these interior valleys there is a 
well marked dry season in winter. 

17 Henry Hurd Rusby: Report of Work on the Mulford Biological Exploration 
of 1021-1922, Journ. New York Bot. Garden, Vol. 22, 1922, pp. 101-112. 



CHAPTER VI 
DRAINAGE, WATER SUPPLY, AND SOILS 

With our knowledge of the rocks, land forms, and climate we 
may assert with confidence that the great majority of the streams 
shown on the La Paz sheet west of the Eastern Cordillera are 
intermittent in character and contain water throughout their 
whole course only in the wet season. The only part of the map 
in which surveyors have noted the nature of rivers — permanent 
or intermittent — is the Western Cordillera and piedmont in Chile. 
For the rest of the territory it may be said in general that the per- 
manent streams include all those which rise in the Eastern Cor- 
dillera north of the latitude of Cochabamba and the larger water- 
courses to the south of that; on the plateau they comprise the 
Desaguadero and the larger rivers which rise in the Western Cor- 
dillera such as the Blanco, Mauri, Cosapa, and Lauca. But even 
these are likely to dry up in their lower reaches in dry seasons. 
Of the rivers which flow to the Pacific all which drain the main 
crest of the Cordillera are permanent in the greater part of their 
courses, and a few have permanent outflow to the ocean. All 
other rivers shown are wet- weather streams. 

Throughout the entire territory the contrast between summer 
and winter is very great. In the Yungas of the Eastern Cordillera 
(see Fig. 29), the large daily precipitation of summer and the 
waters from snowfields keep the valley bottoms filled with 
swiftly flowing rivers. Waterfalls are numerous, and the soil of 
the steep hillsides, sodden after weeks of rain, breaks loose and 
causes landslides which leave great scars of bare rock. It is in 
this season that the debris of the winter's weathering is removed 
by the scavenging torrents, and the work of valley cutting by 
rivers must be virtually concentrated in the summer months. 
Throughout the entire rainy period travel in the Yungas is 
difficult or, where trails follow valley bottoms, impossible. 



96 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

On the Altiplano the slopes are relatively slight, and the sum- 
mer precipitation is carried off much more slowly. Over vast 
tracts the bare soil is porous, and the first falls of rain are rapidly 
absorbed ; but after recurrent storms the water fills the steep-sided 
gullies and accumulates on the lower flat lands such as those to 
the north of Lake Poop6, there to be slowly dissipated by evapo- 
ration. 

In the Maritime Cordillera the rivers are nourished by snow 
and rain but not by glaciers; and, in proportion as streams are 
snow-fed, their regimen is regular. If we may judge from the 
flow of the Chili at Arequipa those of the Peruvian section derive 
their water almost entirely from rain. Figure 23 shows the flow of 
the Chili for five years in cubic meters of water per second. 
Figure 21 (p. 93) gives the monthly rainfall for two of those years 
at Arequipa. The general agreement of the two figures is at once 
apparent, and if rainfall statistics were available for a station 
farther up in the Chili basin it is probable that a full river bed 
would be seen to follow immediately upon heavy rainfall there. 
The river graph shows almost complete absence of flow from April 
to November or December; and in this period as a rule no rain 
falls. These western rivers are all torrential, the slope and ab- 
sence of forests contributing to the rapidity of the run-off. 

Snow and ice as a source of water are surprisingly unimportant 
considering the great altitude of the mountains. The snow line 
in the Andes is at its highest — about 6,500 meters — not at the 
equator as might be expected but at 25 south, and throughout 
the whole of the sheet area it is abnormally high. This anomaly 
seems to be due ultimately to the existence of the wide plateau 
between the Cordilleras, but it is not clear to which of the meteoro- 
logical elements we must turn to understand fully the reasons for 
the exceptional height of the snow line in these latitudes. In the 
Western Cordillera in this section there are no glaciers, and per- 
manent snow exists only on the highest peaks of the southern part 
— Tacora, Huallatiri, Sajama, etc. It is absent from Misti, and 
nearly absent from Chachani. The snow line is in the neighbor- 
hood of 6,000 meters. On the Eastern Cordillera it appears to be 



DRAINAGE, WATER SUPPLY, AND SOILS 97 

about one thousand meters lower. On the northeast side snow 
seems to lie permanently down to 5,100 or 5,200 meters, and on 
the southwest side to 4,800. As previously mentioned, there are 
still numerous glaciers in the cirques of these mountains; and the 
fronts of these of course are found well below the snow line. In 
the southeastern part of the sheet reliable information is lacking 
regarding the highest summits, but no permanent snow is be- 
lieved to exist there, although in the Ice Age there must have been 
considerable snow fields to nourish the glaciers whose tongues 
reached down to the Altiplano. It is at least certain that no gla- 
ciers remain, and this is apparently sufficiently accounted for by 
the lower precipitation on these interior mountains as compared 
with the front ranges. 

Water Supply 

Enough has been said to emphasize the great water resources 
of the Cordillera Real and the front ranges to the south of it. 
There such disadvantages as exist arise from the excess of water 
interfering with communications. But, unfortunately, in this 
well-watered region the topography is unfavorable to dense agri- 
cultural settlement. The bulk of the Bolivian population lies 
west of and just outside the zone of abundant water (see PI. I), 
and the question of extending the cultivated area in the future is 
in part bound up with the possibility of diverting water from these 
mountains. The former glaciation of these Cordilleras is respon- 
sible for the existence in them of a large number of rock basins 
near the summit, many of which contain permanent lakes; and, 
given sufficient capital, such basins could be made the nucleus of 
increased water supply for the drier valleys and the eastern 
fringe of the Altiplano. Again, nature has endowed the region 
with all the physical requirements for hydro-electric energy. 
Many of the mines already utilize water power for their own 
purposes; and it would seem that the lack of funds and of indus- 
trial life alone delays its much wider application. In Bolivia de- 
mands for domestic water supply cannot be called exacting, and 
it is only in the larger towns that any effort has been made to sub- 



98 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

stitute a modern system for the common well and the often dis- 
tant stream bed. La Paz now obtains its water by aqueduct from 
a glacial lake, artificially enlarged, 15 miles (25 km.) north of 
the city. Oruro has a pipe line leading water westwards from a 
reservoir in the valley above Sepulturas. But the supply falls 
far short of the needs of a modern town, and water has to be 
carried from a number of public fountains. A project, however, 
has been approved by which water will be led to Oruro by a canal 
of 35 kilometers from the Desaguadero. In Cochabamba the 
domestic supply is piped from the Cerro Tunari, where there is 
also a power station. The city has further had to solve the prob- 
lem of putting a stop to the periodic damage due to the River 
Rocha overflowing its banks and taking to the streets. This 
work has been accomplished by diverting part of the river water 
four kilometers upstream and carrying it in a tunnel through a 
ridge to a natural depression lying southeast of the city, where it 
is used for irrigation. 

Hydrography of the Altiplano 

As has been mentioned (p. 23), the Altiplano is drained in 
general from northwest to southeast. Lake Titicaca, of which the 
greater part lies north of latitude 16 , has an area of about 5,100 
square kilometers and is the largest lake in South America (about 
one sixteenth of the size of Lake Superior). The lower lake is 
shallow, but a large part of the main lake is over 200 meters deep 
(deepest sounding 272 m.), so that the volume of water is very 
considerable. This water, which is fresh save in the shallow lower 
lake where it is slightly salt, is derived in the main from the Cor- 
dillera Real, although the area tributary to the lake is much more 
extensive on the west and northwest. All observers are agreed 
that the average contributions to the lake very greatly exceed 
the amount of overflow by the Rio Desaguadero. But the im- 
mense evaporation which takes place over its surface, as on the 
plateau to the south, would appear sufficiently to account for this. 
The progressive though slight reduction of Titicaca in area and 
depth in historical time may be mentioned. There is also a slight 



DRAINAGE, WATER SUPPLY, AND SOILS 99 

annual fluctuation in level (from one to two meters) following the 
seasonal precipitation, and it is probable that in addition the 
average level exhibits a cyclic oscillation in conformity with the 
supposed seven-year cycle of rainfall. 

The Desaguadero (see Fig. 2 opposite page 23) when in flood 
is estimated to carry eight times the amount of water which flows 
at its minimum, this contrast being produced in part by the 
changes in lake level and in part by the periodic contributions of 
its tributaries. These contributions themselves are also thought 
to vary according to the season in the proportion of eight to one. 
The Desaguadero down to Nazacara is practically an arm of the 
lake, relatively deep, falling only six centimeters per kilometer 
and having a surface velocity (in flood) of only 23 centimeters per 
second. At Nazacara the river crosses a threshold, and down to 
Concordia, just above its confluence with the Mauri, it has a 
slope of 17 centimeters per kilometer. At low water this stretch is 
everywhere over 90 centimeters deep. From this point to La 
Barca (northwest of Oruro) the river has a nearly uniform fall 
of 2.25 meters per kilometer, and in two places (La Barca and 
near Ulloma) it crosses sandstone thresholds with only 55 centi- 
meters of depth at low water. But, in spite of the increased fall, 
the average velocity in this section is less than above Concordia, 
since the stream bed is wider. Below La Barca the fall is only 25 
meters in no kilometers. The detailed examination of the river 
made in 1903 by the geographical service of the Bolivian army, 
whose observations are summarized by Sever, 1 has shown that 
the losses by evaporation during the low-water period are slight 
but appreciable at high water (i. e. in summer) and that the 
average flow of the river is about 20 cubic meters per second in 
low water and 170 cubic meters in high water. The river was 
navigated up to the date of the opening of the railway to Corocoro 
by flat-bottomed stern-wheel boats as far downstream as Naza- 
cara, and, thence southward to the ore docks, box-like boats of 
steel were poled or towed. It is estimated that by dredging naviga- 
tion could be extended to Lake Poop6 without great difficulty. 

1 Jacques Sever, (96) . 



ioo THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Lake Poop6 has an area of about 2,530 square kilometers and 
is everywhere shallow (deepest sounding 3.95 m.). These figures 
refer to the low-water period (winter) ; in summer, although there 
is probably only a very slight rise in level, the area increases con- 
siderably, as the shores are very low. Lake Poop6 may be thought 
of as an immense evaporating saucer. It receives from the Desa- 
guadero at low water 20 cubic meters of water per second and per- 
haps 2 meters from other streams, while about 6 cubic meters run 
off at its outlet. The lake, then, receives a daily net increase of 
16x60x60x24= 1,382,400 cubic meters. This divided by 
the superficial area gives the amount by which the surface would 
rise daily, viz. 0.00054 meter; and, as the lake is more or less in a 
state of equilibrium, this figure represents approximately the 
daily amount of evaporation. In the high-water period — Decem- 
ber to February — the intake from the Desaguadero is about 170 
cubic meters per second and the outflow about 120 cubic meters; 
but, as the area for the lake at that period is unknown, it is 
fruitless to attempt to calculate the evaporation. The outflow 
by the Lacahahuira appears to be permanent, but in the section 
nearest the lake no well-marked watercourse is developed — the 
water disappearing under the sand, and several explorers who 
have encircled the lake reported that it had no outlet. 

The water of Poop6 is brackish and undrinkable. A sample 
taken by Neveu-Lemaire was found to contain over 23 grams of 
salts per mille, nearly 17 being common salt and over two each 
being sulphates of sodium and calcium. The Salar de Coipasa is 
intermittently flooded over wide stretches by the Lacahahuira 
and other streams, but the only permanent water now lies in the 
residual lake or swamp in its northwestern hollow, which must be 
highly saline. The numerous small settlements over the Altiplano 
depend for water upon wells, springs, and streams; and it must be 
remembered that the water requirements of this population are 
very small. 

Hydrography of the Pacific Slope 

On the Pacific slope water is of the highest importance. While 
it is the absence of water which has permitted the accumulation 



DRAINAGE, WATER SUPPLY, AND SOILS 101 

of the nitrates, the most valuable resource of the coast lands, it is 
the ability to get water which determines the distribution of 
population in general. As has been pointed out, precipitation on 
the Maritime Cordillera takes place for the most part only along 
the higher summits of the chain, save in the short rainy season 
when it extends to the seaward slopes but not on to the piedmont. 
It will be readily understood, then, that only those rivers which 
possess a considerable gathering ground amongst the high peaks 
have sufficient content to carry them to the ocean as permanent 
streams. These rivers are, from north to south, the Tambo, Lo- 
cumba, and Sama, while the southern Vitor in virtue of excep- 
tional springs is also permanent in its whole valley. The next 
group consists of rivers which have smaller basins, or have their 
headwaters in the zone of annual rains, and are permanent in 
their upper courses but reach the sea only in summer. It includes 
the Vitor, Moquegua, Lluta, Azapa, Camarones, and Camina; 
and some of these are permanent to within a few miles of the 
coast. In the south the Aroma and Tarapaca are important 
streams, but they do not reach the sea; they are in fact the first 
of a long series of rivers extending more than six degrees to the 
south which lose themselves in the desert of Atacama (see Fig. 
22). In addition to these many stream courses are shown on the 
map which carry water only most intermittently. Of all the 
rivers of the Pacific slope the Tambo has by far the largest basin, 
and it alone carries large quantities of water to the ocean. 

The Peruvian Corps of Mining and Water Engineers as well as 
Chilean government engineers have made detailed examinations 
of the regimen of a number of rivers with the view of improving 
the water conditions in the valleys, and from their reports it is 
possible to gain some idea of the real nature of the streams. The 
Chili, already alluded to, is one of the two main branches of the 
Peruvian Vitor, and it is specially important because it waters 
Arequipa and its densely peopled agricultural neighborhood (see 
Fig. 35). It may be taken as typical of rivers which have a 
moderately sized basin in the heart of the Cordillera with a high 
summer rainfall but probably with no great accumulation of 



102 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



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snow. Its erratic nature 
is clearly illustrated in its 
curve of flow for five years 
(Fig. 23). The average 
annual flow at Arequipa is 
729,000,000 cubic meters, 
which is about half the 
quantity passing by the 
Desaguadero into Lake 
Poop6; but from its ex- 
treme irregularity it is only 
possible for the farmers to 
use a mere fraction of this 
water. In 1906, when the 
investigation was made, 
only 2,600 hectares were 
under irrigation about 
Arequipa (and 8,000 in the 
entire Vitor basin), and 
much of this suffered dam- 
age in dry seasons. Recom- 
mendation was then made 
that a dam be built at a 
point 35 kilometers above 
Arequipa to store up to 
24,100,000 cubic meters 
annually, which would be 
sufficient to extend the 
irrigated area by 1,145 
hectares and supply ample 
water throughout the four 
driest months. 

In each of the river 
basins examined the con- 
clusion was the same. 
Great improvement could 



DRAINAGE, WATER SUPPLY, AND SOILS 103 

be made in agriculture by regularizing the flow of the streams. 
In some cases the solution is simple, as there are good sites for 
dams which would affect the whole region below; but in others 
— as in the Moquegua — this is out of the question, and smaller 
local improvements are all that can be attempted. These include, 
first, the building of small tanks to catch casual rainfall ; secondly, 
the construction of filtration channels to concentrate the slowly 
flowing water in the alluvium of valleys — this is an ancient 
method but has fallen into disuse, although one such channel 
still collects the water supply for Moquegua town — thirdly, the 
improvement of the irrigation channels to prevent waste; and, 
lastly, the pumping of water from the deeper valley deposits — a 
method already employed with success on some of the larger 
haciendas, as in the neighborhood of Ilo. 

In the last sixty years a number of more ambitious projects 
have been examined with a view to increasing the flow of one 
river at the expense of another where the demand for water is 
smaller; while other proposals have been made to carry waters 
to irrigate entirely new land. These last are the more obviously 
impracticable, as they consist in raising water from the deep 
valleys on to the higher flat lands flanking them. Two examples 
may be given: first, to irrigate the land about Cachendo on the 
Southern Railroad of Peru by water from the Tambo; and, 
secondly, to raise the water of the Locumba to irrigate the pampa 
at Sitana. While practically all water of the flood season on the 
Pacific slope if husbanded could be utilized in irrigating hitherto 
uncultivated land, it seems clear that this irrigation must be 
limited to the valleys themselves. Of the diversion projects it 
may be of interest to mention a few, although it is doubtful if any 
of them will be fully carried out. The Tambo has more water 
than can be utilized in its basin, whereas the Moquegua with its 
small basin is one of those most demanding increase. It was pro- 
posed to tap the marshes at the head of the Rio Omalso and 
carry the water through the divide to the Rio Chilligua. An- 
other project was to draw the water of the Lago de Istunchaca, 
which is intermittently tributary to the Locumba, through the 



104 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

divide and into the Rio de Torata. Again, there have been vari- 
ous similar projects for augmenting the supply of several of the 
more southerly rivers, some of them at the expense of the streams 
draining eastward to Bolivia. Thus the Camina was to be aug- 
mented by water from the southern headwaters of the Camarones , 
which in turn should receive compensation by means of an aque- 
duct from the Lake of Surire — a basin on the eastern side of the 
main crest of the mountains but without a permanent outlet. It 
was proposed to add to the Aroma's resources by tapping the 
Mauque, but this would presumably have to be a matter of 
arrangement with Bolivia ; while there have been schemes on foot 
since 1794 to increase the supply of the Tarapaca by the waters 
of two small lakes of Chuncara which lie on the divide itself. 

The most ambitious of all diversion schemes has actually 
reached the construction stage, and, as it will divert water from 
Bolivia, it has aroused violent opposition from the Government 
of that country. I refer to the plan to divert the upper Mauri and 
by bringing it over the saddle followed by the Arica-La Paz rail- 
road to turn its waters into the valley of the Palcota. By this 
project a Chilean sugar company at Tacna hopes to be able to 
irrigate a large stretch of land southwest of that town. For over 
half a century Tacna has been seeking to increase her water sup- 
ply from the high Andes and by 1870 had taken the first step by 
the construction of a canal, which is shown on the map, from the 
Rio Uchusuma, a tributary of the Mauri, through the pass above 
Bella Vista by means of a tunnel to the Quebrada Huanacagua. 
This canal, which is 52 kilometers long, was supposed to give a 
flow of 3,000 cubic feet of water per minute but in fact only fur- 
nished about a quarter of this amount. 

The greater canal above referred to starts on the upper Mauri 
below its confluence with the Rio Chiliculco in latitude 17 30', 
whence it is to follow the right bank of the Mauri, increasing in 
capacity as it goes, so as to accommodate the waters of right bank 
tributaries. Then, reaching the Cano valley by a low saddle, it 
will pass southward and along the north shore of the Laguna 
Blanca to the continental divide; and thence, like the Uchusuma 



DRAINAGE, WATER SUPPLY, AND SOILS 105 

canal, south of the Cerro de Tacora, crossing the Rio Azufre 
in a siphon and the Huailillas pass in a tunnel, it will empty into 
the Palcota valley. This canal when complete will be about 150 
kilometers in length ; and it is estimated that it will bring to the 
Pacific slope from the drainage of the intermontane basin over 
3,000 liters of water per second. Bolivians look forward with 
much apprehension to this loss of water. Their advocate in the 
matter, J. Aguirre Acha, states 2 that the valuable pastures — 
especially suitable to the alpaca — of the upper valleys will be 
greatly diminished ; that the resources of fish in the Mauri — said 
to be considerable — will be much reduced ; and that it will become 
impossible to utilize the Mauri for hydro-electric power. This 
refers to a project by which the water would be led fifty or sixty 
kilometers and then with a head of 100 meters would produce 
some 4,000 horse power to be used by the mines of Corocoro. 
The damage which would ensue to the Desaguadero is also 
adduced in opposition to the diversion scheme. Navigation, con- 
templated as the aim of a project of canalization, would render it 
impossible, and the plan of supplying water from the Desagua- 
dero to Oruro would be interfered with. 

While the chief aim of engineers in regularizing the flow of 
the rivers is to improve conditions of agriculture, such works 
would also tend to reduce the damaging effect of the sudden 
floods to which all the valleys are subject. The Tambo valley 
with its greater water content perhaps experiences the most 
serious devastations of this character, but there are records of 
great floods in the Pampa del Tamarugal in the mid-eighteenth 
century and in 1819, 1823, 1852, 1868, 1878, and 1884. 

The water conditions in the Pampa del Tamarugal are inter- 
esting, and their relation with the nitrate formation has already 
been referred to. While the mountain streams disappear on or 
near its eastern border, the rim of coastal hills acts like a dam and 
enables their waters to be conserved in the subsoil of the pampa. 
The presence of this water table makes it possible to concentrate 
a large population in the nitrate fields by furnishing a supply to 

2 Jose Aguirre Acha, (97). 



106 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

all grades of wells, some of which, however, do not give drinking 
water. For instance, the well at Dolores produces 150,000 liters 
in 24 hours, but the water is brackish and has to be treated with 
sodium carbonate before being fit for use in locomotives. At 
various points on the pampa the removal of the salt crust is suffi- 
cient to lay bare the water table and to permit cultivation in 
canchones, of which more will be said. 3 It seems, however, that, as 
a rule, these perforations of the crust soon drain the local supply, 
and the cultivation is therefore transitory. 

Enough has been said to show that the waters of the Pacific 
slope are barely adequate to supply the present agricultural needs 
of the coast lands and that any amelioration of water conditions 
will be undertaken in the interests of the farmer. It is, therefore, 
unlikely that any large development of water power will take 
place; but it may be noted that sufficient energy has been har- 
nessed in the Rio Chili to provide Arequipa with light and car 
service. 

The domestic urban supply of water is primitive nearly every- 
where. Apart from isolated springs on the mountain slopes such 
as those which provide ample irrigation for the villages of Huas- 
quina and Zipiza (northeast of Tarapaca), the bulk of the inhabit- 
ants draw their water from streams or from water holes in other- 
wise dry stream beds. The condition in general is the same as it 
was at Tacna when Orbigny found 4 that the villages had water 
for five days and the town for two days. In the town, as soon as 
the church bell announced the arrival of the flood, everyone 
rushed to the river bank with vessels of all descriptions for the 
household supply. After two hours the water was turned into 
the gardens, whither all repair to direct the distribution of their 
allotted measure. The coast itself is very badly endowed with 
water, and the improvement of the supply of Pisagua by a pipe 
line from a well of the finest water at Quiuna on the Tiliviche has 
long been contemplated. The Arica-La Paz railroad could not 
be worked were it not for the pipe line nearly 140 kilometers long 

3 p. 175. 

4 Alcide d'Orbigny, (29), Vol. 2, p. 368. 



DRAINAGE, WATER SUPPLY, AND SOILS 107 

constructed all along the railway from a point 12 kilometers south 
of Humapalca to bring water from the upper valley of the Lluta. 

Soils 

Soils are classified as young, mature and old, indicating a cycle 
of development which takes place slowly in arid lands and more 
rapidly where the rainfall is higher — the solvent action of water 
favoring the chemical changes essential to soil development. 
The process goes on especially fast where high rainfall is combined 
with high temperatures, this combination leading to great organic 
activity. We should, therefore, look for young soils alone 
throughout the greater and dry part of the area and expect to 
find older soils on the eastern slopes of the Andes. Topography, 
however, enters into the field, because it is necessary for soil to 
remain undisturbed for long periods if it is to advance to old age. 
Now we have seen that the moist region, the Yungas, is dis- 
sected by numerous deep and steep valleys and that only in the 
upper and cooler zone are there any considerable tracts where the 
slopes are gentle. We may, therefore, conclude in general that 
soil development on the moist slope of the Andes never advances 
very far before the soil is removed by erosion and carried off to 
the plains but that on the small tracts of gentler slope in the 
upper zone soils may reach maturity. 

On the lower forested slopes, in parts where, for any reason, 
denudation is less rapid, the dense carpet of mosses is probably 
underlain by a podsol, a light-colored soil in which various min- 
eral constituents have been leeched and redeposited deeper down. 
But the terracing and trenching in the belt of coca cultivation, 
where the forest has long been cleared, has almost certainly led 
to a complete mixing of the podsol and its substratum. 

Generally speaking mature soils are the most valuable for agri- 
cultural purposes, while very young soils have not yet been 
sufficiently comminuted for their mineral constituents to be avail- 
able for plants in any high degree. An exception to this, however, 
is found in the alluvium of the lower parts of valleys. In our 
region such soils are found in the valley oases of the desert and 



108 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

in basins such as those of Arequipa and Cochabamba. The latter 
has the special advantage of being watered by well-nourished 
streams draining heavily glaciated plateaus, and these milky 
streams deposit a fine silt derived from the glacial detritus. 

In the coastal desert it may be said that soil does not exist, the 
surface consisting of rock fragments, grit, and sand graded only 
by the action of the wind. (Fig. 22). In the Lomas the seasonal 
moisture of the garua would lead to the formation of a true soil ; 
but here the slopes are steep and development can never advance 
very far. The same is true of the slopes of the Western Cordillera 
above the desert zone. On the Altiplano, geological formations or 
their detritus are barely concealed by real soil save in hollows, 
where accumulation is possible; and even in these, in all the 
southern part, alkaline deposit frequently renders the soil unfit 
for cultivation. The chief exception to this is the alluvium of the 
Desaguadero valley and the neighboring expanses, periodically 
inundated, where the permanent vegetation has produced a 
heavy black soil. The so-called red soil of the western Altiplano 
in most cases is probably not a soil at all but merely disintegrated 
rock derived either from the sandstones or the andesitic lavas of 
the Western Cordillera. 

A remarkable example of rapid soil movement in the Yungas 
has recently been described by Rusby (see footnote on page 94). 
A field of bananas at Canamina has for years been observed to be 
on the move down the steep slope of the valley side. A reliable 
resident engineer stated that ten years ago the field was far up the 
slope and at least 300 yards distant horizontally from its present 
position. The patch of soil composing the field apparently moves 
as a unit, since the growth of the plants has not been inter- 
rupted. 



CHAPTER VIII 
THE NATURAL VEGETATION 

The ancestors of plants which go to make up the different 
types of vegetation in the region have sprung from widely differ- 
ent origins, amongst them the pre-Andean South America and 
Antarctica — formerly connected with America, while Central 
America and also Western North America have contributed their 
quotas. The building up of the flora of today does not concern 
us in its detail; it has been reviewed in appropriate works. 1 But 
we may note that of past events the two which have had the most 
profound effect on the present composition of the flora are the 
(late Tertiary) upheaval of the Andes and the Ice Age. The up- 
heaval of the high Andes had the effect of producing a dry climate 
in place of a relatively moist condition in the coastal zone and so 
changed the earlier vegetation from a mesophytic to a xerophytic 
or drought-supporting type. It thus put a stop to further immi- 
gration of Antarctic species, on the one hand, and of moisture- 
loving plants from the north, on the other. The onset of the first 
Quaternary glaciation with its lower snow line caused the depres- 
sion of the mountain flora which has left its traces well below its 
present normal limits. 

The most outstanding division of vegetation in the La Paz 
sheet area is that between the forests of the northeast and the 
much greater areas of scrub, grass, and other humble types of the 
south and west. This is a distinction which has struck every 
traveler; but it requires the discrimination of a practiced observer 
to delimit the subdivisions of these major vegetations; and, while 
the minor divisions are less striking, they are none the less illum- 
inating, for they furnish in every case a sure index of local climat- 
ic features; and, moreover, the zones of natural vegetation corre- 
spond to the habitats of the various cultivated plants. In the 

1 August Weberbauer, (103) and Karl Reiche, (102). 



no 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



following description of the vegetation the climatic relationships 
will be dealt with, and the economic plants will be mentioned, 
while the special features of their cultivation are reserved for an- 
other chapter. 

In the sketch map of the natural vegetation (Fig. 24) nine 
types are shown, four occurring mainly on the Pacific slope, two 
entirely on the Atlantic slope, and three on the high cordilleras 
and intermontane plateaus. Most of them are formations which 
reach far north or south of our region with but little change. 

Vegetation of the Lomas 

The lomas, or hills of the coast, are characterized, as we have 
seen, by a damp season in the southern winter, the moisture being 
derived from the fog banks prevalent at that season. There is 
then a typical "lomas vegetation" that lies dormant throughout 
nine months, during which the lomas appear as a desert, but after 




NATURAL 
VEGETATION 

02 ESJ 3 



Fig. 24 — Distribution of Natural Vegetation: r, Lomas vegetation; 2, Stream- 
bank oases; 3, Succulent zone; 4, Tola zone; 5, Puna; 6, Grass steppe; 7, Dwarf 
vegetation (Antarctic type) ; 8, Ceja de la Montana (forest) ; 9, "Montana" (forest) . 



THE NATURAL VEGETATION in 

mid-winter puts on a thin veneer of verdure. This consists of a 
rather open cover of herbaceous plants both annual and peren- 
nial, including many bulbs and tubers as well as mosses and 
lichens in thick clumps. The amount of vegetation varies from 
year to year according to the quantity of moisture in the soil, so 
that in some winters only the hill crests become green, while in 
others the green mantle extends down to the landward foot of the 
coastal ridges; and this variation is keenly observed by the 
herdsmen of the valleys, who drive their flocks to the hills each 
spring. The dividing line between vegetation and desert, how- 
ever, is not always clean-cut. The line drawn on the map repre- 
sents the widest extent of the lomas formation. One of the most 
striking features of plant growth here is that, despite the proxim- 
ity of the desert, the great majority of species possess no equip- 
ment for retarding evaporation. This is not necessary, because 
of the small amount of sunshine in the "lomas season." This fea- 
ture, naturally, is less marked on the sandy margins of the zone. 
Along the occasional stream banks there is an evergreen zone of 
bushes such as willow and acacia, climbing plants, and reeds. 

That this vegetation made a very clear impression upon the 
first Spanish inhabitants is evident from the following statement, 
made in the sixteenth century. 2 "In these plains, between the 
mountains (sierra) and the sea, there runs a cordillera that is 
quite high, which the Spaniards call lomas, where the season of 
dew, or gartia, produces much vegetation, with great freshness 
and a great variety of flowers and roses of many colors and forms. 
The Spaniards make use of these lomas in the season referred to 
for their (horned) cattle, since there is then much very good pas- 
ture; but when the dew fails, in eight days it is dry, without a 
sign to indicate that there had been plants or flowers; and any 
cattle which, because of greed or because of neglect on the part 
of their owners, delay in getting out, perish of hunger and thirst." 

The more or less continuous clouds of the winter months on 
the Peruvian Lomas are replaced on the coast south of Arica by 

2 Ramirez: Description del Reyno del Peril (1579), quoted in "Juicio de Limites," 
Vol. 1, p. 286. 



ii2 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

fogs (camanchaca) which lie on the hills and cliffs only by night 
and in early morning. Moreover, they are best developed in au- 
tumn and early winter. It follows that the Lomas vegetation is 
much less typical of this coast — being found well developed only 
in the shady gullies; elsewhere cacti and similar water-holding 
plants form the bulk of the vegetation. In other words the desert 
approaches more nearly to the coast here. 

The Desert 

The deserts of this part of the Pacific coast lands, while not so 
completely devoid of life as parts of the Sahara, are yet suffi- 
ciently barren to merit the name in all but a few weeks of the 
moister years, when a number of humble flowering annuals 
spring up; while in the parts which are either very sandy or 
very salt almost the only plants are the Distichlis grasses which 
are furnished with long, creeping rhizomes and in places succeed 
in binding the sand. The southern part of the desert zone de- 
rives its name — Pampa del Tamarugal — from the tree (Pro- 
sopis tamarugo), a small prickly mimosa, of which there were 
formerly large numbers to the east of the salars bordering the 
nitrate fields. These trees and the Distichlis grass, which here 
grows in large tufts of over one meter in height, derive their 
moisture mainly from the ground water which is the special 
feature of this pampa. The great quantity which exists of dead 
tamarugal stumps have been mentioned as evidence of a drying 
climate. The living trees, as well as the stumps, are used for 
charcoal making in the nitrate fields, so that the species is being 
gradually exterminated from the region. 

The few river valleys are the oases in the desert. Their natural 
vegetation includes trees — the chanar (Gourleia decorticans) , the 
molle or pepper (Schinus molle), and a willow {Salix Humboldt- 
iana) — as well as a number of shrubs. Some of the latter 
attain large size as in the Camarones valley, where bushes have 
been reported four meters high and ten in diameter. But the 
natural vegetation in these strips has been largely replaced by 
irrigation agriculture. 



THE NATURAL VEGETATION 113 

The desert and Lomas zones apparently include only one na- 
tive plant of great economic importance, the chanar tree whose 
fruit — brown and globular — is eaten by man and beast, while it 
also forms the basis of a sirupy beverage. Parts of some of the 
bulbous plants were also used as food in former times. But since 
the Spanish Conquest and even before it a great variety of prod- 
ucts introduced from other zones or from Europe have been 
successfully cultivated by irrigation. Thus the hot, dry climate 
has proved admirable for the raising of every sort of fruit and 
vegetable from the Mediterranean countries— such as olive, fig, 
pomegranate, mulberry, quince, cherry, melon, citrus fruits, and 
the grape vine, from which several excellent wines are made; in a 
few spots are found rice and sugar cane, which supplies alcohol as 
well as sugar; wheat and barley are the chief grain crops, but 
there is also much maize — introduced before the Spanish period ; 
and, lastly, large quantities of alfalfa (lucerne) and honey grass 
(pasto de miel) are raised for fodder and exported. 

Vegetation of the Western Cordillera 

On the Pacific slope of the Cordillera reliable botanists have 
determined the vegetation zones about latitudes 16 30' and 19 , 
and the altitudinal limits for the two sections agree well ; but for 
the area between, such information as exists places the limits of 
the zones from 1,000 to 2,000 meters lower — a result which clearly 
requires further investigation. In drawing the vegetation map, 
therefore, the intermediate data have been neglected pending 
further inquiry. Assuming, then, that the two sets of observa- 
tions above mentioned are typical of the entire slope, the zones 
are approximately as follows: 

(A) the Succulent Zone: 
From 1,900 meters (in the south) and 2,200 meters (in the north) 
to 3,600 meters (in the south) and 3,400 meters (in the north). 
This is a zone which receives rain in the late summer (January to 
March) but which is subject to intense evaporation throughout 
the other nine months. The vegetation is therefore adapted to 
resist drought, and succulents enter largely into its composition. 



U4 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

(B) the Tola Zone: 
From 3,400 meters (3,600 meters in the south) to about 4,200 
meters. 

This zone is somewhat moister than the Succulent Zone and is 
also colder. It is characterized by the tola bush, grasses, and, at 
least in the north, by small succulents. 

Let us examine these two zones in greater detail. In the Suc- 
culent Zone the candelabrum cactus (Cereus candelaris) is typical 
of the lower slopes, while higher up are several kinds of pillar 
cactus which reach their greatest stature at about 3,000 meters, 
where in the south they are in places so close together as to form 
almost impenetrable forest. The cacti carry an epiphyte, Tilland- 
sia virescens, and are associated with many smaller succulents. 
Throughout the zone there are many shrubs, all betraying their 
xerophytic character by their small leathery leaves or otherwise. 
In the north there are wide sandy stretches without large cacti, 
the shrubs being mixed with a small creeping Opuntia whose 
branches are made up of egg-shaped segments that easily break 
away and leave their spines in the skin of intruding travelers. 
The stream beds, both permanent and intermittent, in this zone 
have their own more luxuriant vegetation, including a thorny 
acacia tree. 

The only feature of the natural vegetation here which is of 
direct importance to man is the edible fruits of the Cereus species. 
They are large juicy berries known as guillaves and copaos. 
Nevertheless the densest population of the Pacific slope lives in 
the clearings of this zone. The agricultural activities and crops 
are similar to those described in the desert oasis below, and the 
situation of the settlements has been determined, as mentioned 
elsewhere, by water and soil conditions. 

Tola is a name applied not to any one species, but to various 
bushy plants which have a certain habit. Such shrubs constitute 
the major portion of the vegetation in the Tola Zone. The charac- 
teristics of the tola bushes are their dark evergreen color, squar- 
rous habit of growth, resinous wood, and strong characteristic 
odor (see Fig. 25). Their maximum height is about one meter 





Fig. 25 — Yareta (center), tola (foreground) and ichu grass (background), a 
typical plant association of the Puna and Puna Brava zones. The first two are 
used for fuel; the last named is the leading fodder plant of the Central Andes. 

Fig. 26 — A stack of yareta ready for burning. This resinous plant forms one of 
the main sources of fuel in the Central Andes. The structure of the plant is revealed 
in the broken surfaces — closely packed radial twigs terminating \n the smooth 
upper surface. 



THE NATURAL VEGETATION 115 

and a half. In the north the commonest species is Lepidophyllum 
quadrangular e, and in the south Baccharis tola. Associated with 
these are a number of other shrubs all belonging to the Composi- 
tae, and all with similar habit and xerophytic characteristics, as 
welt as several grasses, including the handsome yellow-green 
pampas grass, and, in the north, a pillow cactus (Opuntia). 
The tola formation is monotonous to the eye, and the only 
change in its appearance summer and winter is due to the masses 
of golden flowers of the tola and the scarlet blossom of the Opun- 
tia in the dry season. The grasses on the other hand flower in the 
wet season. There are of course variations in special situations — 
in shady spots ferns, in stream beds larger shrubs, and in damp 
places a closed turf of low plants. Furthermore, in the high 
valleys between the peaks of the Cordillera there are well-defined 
grassy swards, which begin in the tola belt and extend beyond it 
(ca. 3,500 m. — 4,500 m.). This carpet consists of low grasses with 
other plants such as gentian and astrogallus interspersed. 

The tola scrub is of great importance as fuel (see Fig. 35). It 
contains so much resin in wood and leaf that it will burn even 
while wet. Although the population is less dense in this zone 
than in the succulent belt below, there are numerous villages 
mainly engaged in agriculture. Some of the crops of the lower 
zone, such as beans and barley, are still cultivated here; the upper 
limit of wheat, however, is at about 3,700 meters. But in general 
the products of the Tola Zone are more similar to those of the 
Puna above it — potato, oca, and quinoa. The grass pastures of 
the high valleys are far-famed and lead to the keeping of large 
flocks by the inhabitants of the zone. 

Vegetation of the Puna 

In Figure 24 almost the entire area between the crest of the 
Cordillera Occidental and the brink of the slope overlooking the 
Amazonian plains is shown simply as "Puna." This does not 
mean that the natural vegetation is uniform throughout, but 
simply that the data are insufficient for the plotting of sub- 
divisions. But in a general way it is possible to indicate dif- 



1 16 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

ferences which, though affecting but little the general drab ap- 
pearance of the Puna, are yet of importance as indexes to the 
utility of the land. 

In the first place the climatic distinction recognized locally 
between Puna and Puna Brava is reflected in the plant cover. 
The altitude of the dividing line is not uniform, being sometimes 
below and sometimes well above 4,000 meters. In the upper, 
or Brava, zone the typical plants are the yareta, or llareta, bush 
and the ichu grass (see Figs. 25 and 27) with an occasional group 
of quenua trees. In the lower zone the ichu again is characteris- 
tic, but with it are the tola and several small succulents. In each 
of the zones there are other formations occupying special situa- 
tions. It is commonly assumed that ichu grass is everywhere 
Stipa ichu (Jarava) and that yareta is Laretia compacta. It is as 
well, however, not to accept this, but to apply the names to two 
types of plant each of very definite habit and each of great eco- 
nomic importance — the first as fodder, the second as fuel (see 
Fig. 26). Ichu everywhere grows in hummocks or bunchy cones 
about half a meter high. The coarser upper blades form the chief 
food of the llama while the more delicate parts in the tuft are 
eaten by sheep. Yareta bushes seen from a distance resemble 
boulders; a closer view recalls hummocks of close-packed moss; 
but the uprooted plant reveals its true structure — a resinous 
woody stem with innumerable twigs branching as from the center 
of a globe and carrying leaves, buds, and flowers near their end. 
The habit of yareta is typical of a large number of plants in the 
Puna. They are adapted to resist the rigors of the climate. For 
the most part cushion-shaped or formed in rosettes, they crouch 
on the ground, their outer armor of close-packed leaves acting as 
a protection against wind. Buds are sheltered from hail by being 
embedded in the "armor;" likewise the small flowers, of which 
many open only in sunshine. After snow or rain the plant is like 
a sponge, retaining the moisture in face of the strong daily evapor- 
ation and absorbing it by the leaves. 3 Even the large shrubs which 
occupy stream margins, etc., are gnarled and twisted as is the 

•August Weberbauer, op. cit., p. 201. 



THE NATURAL VEGETATION 117 

tree of the Puna, the quenua. Moreover the small leaves of the 
latter are leathery above and silky underneath — a sure sign that 
it keeps as much as it can of the available moisture. The quenua, 
which occurs singly or in groups, provides the only native timber 
and consequently is mainly found far from the haunts of man. 
Various reports seem to indicate that considerable woods of this 
species are still to be found in the neighborhood of Sajama. 

The natural vegetation of the Puna changes little summer and 
winter. From January to March with the rains the cover becomes 
more close, and the grasses lose their brown burnt appearance to 
some extent. But there is no such contrast as appears in the lomas 
of the coast. Tola scrub seems to nourish chiefly in the valleys of 
the plateau and along the eastern piedmont. In the high plateaus 
of the southeast it would seem to be entirely replaced by ichu and 
yareta and similar bushes. Otherwise when an ecological survey 
of the Altiplano has been made the distribution of the various 
types will probably be found to depend largely upon soil, the 
many saline areas having a special vegetation — perhaps including 
yareta, the very sandy places another, and the swampy non-saline 
zones a third. The lower and damper parts are known to have a 
richer blend of grasses, forming good cattle pasture. 

North of a line drawn from about Viacha round the southern 
and western sides of Titicaca there is quite a striking change, due 
presumably to less rigorous temperature extremes and increased 
rainfall. This area has been described as grass steppe composed 
of a variety of grasses growing both in hummocks and as an even 
carpet mixed with trefoil, geranium, gentian, verbena, etc., and 
dotted with a variety of shrubs and an occasional culli — a small 
tree (Buddleia coriacea) resembling the wild olive in appearance. 
The reed beds of Titicaca and Poopo require special mention. 
Many square miles in the bays and around the outlets are covered 
with these. The reed — called totora by the Indians — is mainly 
Scirpus riparius. It not only serves as cover for the innumer- 
able water birds, but it furnishes the Indians with most of the 
material for their rafts (balsas) and sails, as well as being useful 
for many household purposes. 



i.i8 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

The chief fuel and fodder plants of the Puna have been men- 
tioned. It remains to allude to the cultivated species. Amongst 
the native plants are the several potatoes, the oca (Oxalis tu- 
berosa), and the grain-giving quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa). All 
these are cultivated with success right up to the snow line, and 
they form the main food staples of the Indian population. The 
quinoa when in bloom decks the country round Lake Titicaca 
and elsewhere with the tricolor of Bolivia — the green foliage 
capped by the red and yellow flowers. The introduced plants 
include barley and the haba bean ( Vicia faba) , both of which are 
grown widely in the Puna but not in the Puna Brava. 

The only relief to the treeless aspect of the Puna is in the plan- 
tations about the haciendas — mostly of eucalyptus, a quick- 
growing tree that can stand light frost. But these are few and far 
between. The Bolivian government, however, anxious to foster 
tree planting, passed a law in 191 8 providing for an annual bonus 
to be paid to every owner on the plateau of one thousand trees 
at least two meters in height, the amount of the bonus being 
1,000 bolivianos except in the case of land on the shores of Titi- 
caca where it was to be 500 bolivianos. This difference is an indi- 
cation of the greater effort required to raise trees on the plateau 
itself as compared with the lake shores. 

Vegetation of the Eastern Cordillera 

The highest summits in both Cordilleras rise above the typical 
Puna vegetation. On these the vicinity of the snow fields and 
glaciers is sparsely clothed by patches of dwarf plants growing in 
close mats. The species which compose them have been derived 
from the Antarctic regions; and these isolated areas of high 
mountain vegetation are the most northerly outliers of the south 
polar flora, whose domain must have contracted gradually and 
considerably since the last glaciation. 

The higher temperatures which prevail in the deep valleys of 
the La Paz and Luribay Rivers accounts for a somewhat different 
vegetation from that of the plateau to the west. This area has 
been shown on the map as similar in character to the lower slopes 




Fig. 28— Cactus vegetation at Obrajes in the La Paz valley. Its luxuriance and 
character bear witness to the relative warmth and dryness of this valley as com- 
pared with the Altiplano, 600 meters above it. u*l 



THE NATURAL VEGETATION 119 

of the Western Cordillera because of the prevalence of succulent 
plants in both (see Fig. 28). But the vegetation resembles also 
in some respects the grass steppe of the higher eastern slopes of 
the Cordillera Real. The latter type has been shown in the upper 
valley of the Rio Caine below Cochabamba; but this valley is 
now almost entirely under cultivation. It is probable that other 
deep valleys in the southeastern part of the sheet area should be 
classed separately from the Puna, for their aspect in places is that 
of an open woodland of feathery algaroba trees (Prosopis) with 
willows on the stream banks and wide stretches of rich green grass. 

On the eastern slopes of the Cordillera Real and its foothills 
there are three distinct vegetation types: the grass steppe or 
meadows at the top, the dense "eyebrow" of the forest (Ceja de 
la Montana) which cloaks most of the steep ridges and valleys, 
and the Montana forest of the lowest slopes and flat valley bot- 
toms. The existence of these three zones is well established, but 
it is as yet impossible to place with precision their upper and lower 
limits in this area. The high meadows and the Ceja de la Montana 
are both in the belt of clouds, 4 and the line separating them is 
almost certainly determined by temperature conditions. It is the 
cold tree line, and it seems to vary according to configuration be- 
tween 3,500 and 3,000 meters. The division of Ceja and Montana 
proper is less noticeable, the two types merging into one another 
at about 1,200 meters altitude. 

The form of the Cordillera is such that the flat-topped spurs 
and remnants of plateaus, described above as the relics of an old 
surface of erosion, fall mostly above the tree line ; and it is upon 
these that the meadows are best developed. And we have seen, 
further, that this is probably the area of the most mature soils — a 
fact which may conceivably have something to do with the posi- 
tion of the tree limit. Grass forms the typical cover, knee-deep 
and thick, but there are also many shrubs which are derived from 
the forest below. Shrubs which, when first identified in the de- 
scent, are dwarfed and squarrous with small leaves, are found 
lower down to become larger while their leaves increase in size, 

4 Cf. pp. 86 and 87. 



120 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

and finally after forming isolated clumps of trees they may be 
recognized as full-grown members of the Ceja forest. According 
to topography the transition from meadow to forest may be 
gradual or abrupt. North of Cochabamba there are parts of the 
Cordillera where sheer rock faces of great height separate the high 
meadows from dense luxuriant forest. 

The "eyebrow" of the forest is presumably so named from the 
density of its undergrowth and for its position above the main 
forest (see Figs. 29 and 37). Throughout its whole breadth 
the zone is penetrable with difficulty, save along stream courses 
and where paths are kept clear by constant use. This density 
is the direct result of the daily moisture bath which the mountain 
slopes receive in the form of mist. The effect of rainfall is thus 
greatly enhanced, for not only is the soil kept constantly moist by 
the reduced evaporation, but many of the plants are able to ex- 
tract moisture from the air. The daily mists which act as a screen 
to the sun's rays also lower considerably the air temperature in 
the forest. The character of this jungle varies somewhat with the 
situation. Where it is exposed to wind, or where soil is thin, the 
tree forest is reduced to bush and on the sharp spurs to scrub. 
It is nowhere a forest of giants like those of the flat valleys and 
plains below; but for the most part it is composed of trees of 
great variety, from broad-leafed species to tree ferns. The upper 
branches spread to form flattened crowns and are often bound to- 
gether by an intricate network of lianes, so that paths cut in the 
forest have the aspect of tunnels, which are frequently floored 
with slippery mud. Many of the trees have bright flowers, but 
these are seen by man chiefly in places where the trees give place 
to the lower bush. Orchids, tillandsia, and other epiphytes as 
well as mosses are crowded on the branches, and near the ground 
is a dense tangle of roots, rotting trunks and branches, and huge 
soft cushions of mosses — especially sphagnum — and lichen. The 
increasing temperature is marked by changes in the composition 
of the forest towards the lower levels, the most obvious of which 
is the presence of palms and high cecropias below an altitude of 
about 2,700 meters. 




Fig. 29 — IUimani from the Yungas. The steep eastern face of the mountain 
with its permanent snow overlooks deeply dissected valleys clothed in the dense 
"eyebrow of the forest" (Ceja de la Montana). Cloud hangs almost constantly on 
these moist upper slopes. 



THE NATURAL VEGETATION 121 

One of the groups of plants most typical of the Ceja forest is 
that of the cinchonas whose bark is the source of quinine. Of 
these there are some thirty species and they are found through- 
out nearly the whole altitudinal range of the forest, but best de- 
veloped about the middle of the zone. Like other plants of the 
Ceja the cinchonas form large trees in the situation best suited 
to their requirements, and decrease in size and luxuriance up- 
wards and downwards to their limits which are about 3,000 and 
750 meters respectively. The lower part of the Ceja forest is 
also the home of the coca shrub (Erythroxylon coca), and this 
native plant, from whose leaf cocaine is derived, has been iso- 
lated and cultivated for many centuries by the natives. Large 
areas of the forested slopes have been cleared and terraced to 
form coca fields, but since the Spanish Conquest the ground is 
shared by coffee, maize, and subtropical fruits. 

The Montana forest lies below the cloud belt and derives its 
moisture entirely from rain or ground water. The lower valleys 
are largely filled with detrital material; and soil and water as 
well as temperature conditions combine to support much higher 
trees than on the mountain slopes. The great valley forests of 
the foothills, then, belong to the type known as tropical rain 
forest. Its leading features are the high tree trunks often but- 
tressed at the base, the dense panoply formed by the crowns, 
and as a consequence of this the darkness below and the resulting 
thinness of undergrowth. This is the outstanding vegetation 
of the foothills and plains beyond. But there are areas, which 
still remain to be accurately located and explained, where a 
much more xerophilous vegetation is found. This includes both 
the savanas and grass steppes which are the main cattle-raising 
sections of southern Peru and northern Bolivia. But they lie 
beyond the limits of the La Paz sheet. 

Recent observations of Rusby on the flora of certain relatively dry valleys of 
the Eastern Cordillera (cf. foot of page 94) disclose a xerophytic vegetation includ- 
ing cacti and various shrubs. Even near Cafiamina (1550 m.) there are cacti — up to 
55 feet high — and the forest is largely composed of Mimosaceous trees. Thus, 
topography greatly complicates the altitudinal zoning of vegetation described 
above. 



CHAPTER VIII 
ANIMAL LIFE 

If it were possible to take a census of individuals of the ani- 
mal kingdom apart from man in the area of the La Paz sheet and 
compare the total with that of a world average for similar areas, 
the La Paz total would probably be far above the average. This 
is because life is peculiarly abundant in two parts of the area — 
along the coast both in the water and near it and in the forests 
of the northeast. The reasons for the abundance of marine 
forms in the cool coastal waters and consequently of those 
which prey upon them, have been stated in Chapter IV; and it 
is because the forests are upon the slopes of the Andes that 
animals are so numerous there, the varied altitudinal assort- 
ment of climatic and vegetation conditions leading not only 
to a great multiplicity of species but also to remarkable fecundity 
in reproduction. The truth of this statement is perhaps not 
very obvious to the casual observer, for the chief evidence of 
the teeming life of the sea is the great flocks of birds about its 
margin; and again, in the recesses of the forest, while birds and 
insects are relatively visible, the mammals are but rarely seen 
by man. In the great intervening region of puna, mountain, and 
desert, on the other hand, concealment is more difficult, and 
such is the monotony of the landscape that every living creature 
picked out makes a distinct impression upon the traveler. 

The same causes which have determined the main division 
of the vegetation at the eastern crest of the Andes account for 
an equally important frontier between the two great faunal 
regions. It is due to its high Andean fringe that the continent 
of South America — the so-called Neo-Tropical Region of zo- 
ologists — is not subdivided by a parallel of latitude but by a 
diagonal line which leaves the Pacific near the equator and 
reaches the Atlantic in latitude 30 S. All but the forested sec- 



ANIMAL LIFE 123 

tion of our area lies to the southwest of this faunal division and 
in the "Patagonian" or "Chilean" subregion. Just as the features 
of climate and flora of the far south are carried northward along 
the western fringe of the continent nearly to the equator by the 
height of the Andes and the presence of a cold ocean current, so 
also with the fauna. In the Puna and coastal belts secular dis- 
tribution has operated in the most recent geological periods from 
south to north ; in the forest belt it has worked at least in part 
from north to south. In the Puna, climate and vegetation 
similar to those of the Patagonian pampas have led northward 
to our region and beyond it the American camels, rodents, and 
many birds and lower forms of life. Waters of like temperature 
to those of the Antarctic have induced the crustaceans, fishes, 
whales, seals, as well as penguins and other birds characteristic 
of high latitudes, to extend their range along the entire coasts 
of Chile and Peru; while, on the other hand, birds and probably 
other animals also originally located in the extreme north of 
South America have slowly spread southward along the slopes 
of the Andes, the various species often following a narrow strip 
of definite altitude in which alone they find their particular 
requirements of environment. An interesting exception to the 
northward spread of the animals inhabiting the higher parts 
of the Central Andes is the small spectacled bear — the only 
bear of South America — which is evidently an intruder from 
the northern continent, but now he barely reaches to within 
3,000 miles of his nearest relative of the bear tribe in northern 
Mexico. The reality of the faunal barrier of the Eastern Cor- 
dillera may be illustrated by the range of the flamingo, which 
breeds in the Puna, and by that of the condor and other birds of 
prey which haunt the mountains and avoid the forest. These 
birds habitually descend to the Pacific coast in search of food but 
do not seek low altitudes east of the Andes. The La Paz sheet 
then, provides a cross section of several life corridors by which 
plants and animals ever since the uplift of the mountains have 
spread north and south and only in the most minor degree east 
and west. Furthermore, these parallel zones are corridors not 



124 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

merely in relation to the secular spread of life but also in regard to 
the seasonal rhythm which influences many creatures. Thus the 
birds of strong flight, such as the golden plover, which nest in 
Labrador and thereafter make for equivalent latitudes in the 
southern hemisphere use the Puna, with its cool air and its lake 
feeding grounds, as an avenue on their return flight. This fact is 
especially striking in that the southward migration is made by 
the way of the Atlantic seaboard. 

An attempt to explain the abundant representation of some 
orders of animals and the paucity of others in the region would 
lead us into the geological history of South America — a field upon 
which we cannot enter here. But it is our purpose to indicate the 
more important effects of local environment in determining these 
features as well as in accounting for certain peculiarities of form 
or of habit. So far as the writer knows, there has been no system- 
atic zoological study of this area as a whole. Orbigny, Castel- 
nau, Crequi-Montfort, and other explorers have made notes and 
collections along certain limited routes, while several collections 
have been made by the American Museum of Natural History in 
different parts of this and neighboring districts. The data are 
insufficient to determine the distribution of all but a few species, 
and nothing has been written regarding the animal ecology in 
the area. It will be evident that the region and especially the 
eastern forests offer a wonderful field for future study of the 
animal associations and of their interdependence. We must, 
therefore, be satisfied with the scattered observations of explorers 
and utilize notes regarding life habits derived from analogous 
localities. 

Life on the Coast 

Very complete faunal studies have been made by R. E. Coken 
H. O. Forbes, and R. C. Murphy of the Peruvian coast down to 
the western limit of the sheet, special interest having been 
aroused here by the high economic importance of the guano- 
producing birds. 1 Little guano in commercial quantities remains 

1 Robert Cushman Murphy, (104). The papers by Coker, Forbes, and others are 
referred to in this. 



ANIMAL LIFE 125 

on the shores of our area because there are no islands where the 
birds can remain undisturbed, but the general life conditions are 
very similar, and observations made farther north may be taken 
as applicable here. 

The cool, up-welling water of the coast carries unicellular algae 
and other humble plants in vast quantities. Upon these feed 
innumerable microscopic animals which in turn provide suste- 
nance for the Crustacea, the fishes, and the whales. Seals, sea 
lions, and sea birds in enormous numbers spend gluttonous lives 
in consuming the fish which they need never go far to seek. The 
birds, mostly gregarious, nest on the sea cliffs and — preferably — 
on islands where such exist and when left undisturbed will rapidly 
accumulate guano about their nests. The guano — preserved by 
the dryness of the climate — attracts man; the eggs and the birds 
themselves attract a host of birds of prey. Quantities of sea birds 
are killed in this way, and even the noble condor of the cordillera 
has been revealed as a systematic egg sucker. Such is the chain of 
life on the coastal fringe of the region. 

So far 163 species of marine fish have been recorded from these 
coastal waters, 2 and there are doubtless many more which have 
not yet been described. The ecological grouping of fishes shows 
aggregations adapted to all types of habitat that exist along the 
coast. They include types which live in rocky pools, others which 
are adapted to the deeper rocky floor, and the flat fishes which 
love the shallow, sandy stretches. Then there are the fish which 
occur in immense schools and feed upon the plankton; the her- 
rings, or sardinas, of which there are three species, and the 
anchovies predominate amongst these. These schools are at- 
tacked by larger predaceous fishes such as the mackerel and 
bonito. On the shore itself and in shallow bays there are quanti- 
ties of large crabs and lobsters as well as scallops, oysters, whelks, 
and snails. The great bulk of the coastal fishes, although far 
north of the tropic, belong to temperate or sub-tropical types akin 
to those either of the California region or of the Mediterranean. 

2 Robert Cushman Murphy, op. oil.. Vol. o, p. 58; also John Treadwell Nichols 
and Robert Cushman Murphy, (105). 



126 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

But the warmer water to seaward of the Humboldt Current har- 
bors tropical species such as sharks, rays, and flying fish; and 
some of these make inroads on the cooler waters in search of 
food. The schooling fishes and especially the anchovetas form the 
main food of the gregarious guano-producing birds as well as of 
the sea lions (lobos) and seals. 

To give some idea of the abundance of life we may quote two 
passages. In the first, Murphy, describing the schools of ancho- 
vetas, says: "During the afternoon of February 2nd, 1920, . . . 
I estimated that a hundred schools of anchovetas were within 
sight. At times when the bonitos attacked them from beneath, 
large areas of the surface would be so broken by the leaping of 
the little fishes that the ocean hissed as though a deluge of rain 
were descending upon it. The most remarkable sight of all was 
the manner in which whole herds of lobos were lolling and 
frolicing among the anchovetas, gorging themselves to the limit 
of their capacity. . . . Their [the fishes'] appearance from 
above is amazing, for the quivering, silvery creatures seem to be 
packed together like sardines in a tin except that their heads all 
point in one direction." 3 

Again, Frank M. Chapman, referring to the bird life, describes 
a scene on the northern Peruvian coast in November, 19 18: 

"Seaward, like aerial serpents, sinuous lines crawled through 
the air in repeated curves which lost themselves in the distance, 
or processions streaked the sky or water in rapidly-passing, end- 
less files, flowing steadily by, hour after hour, during the entire 
day without ceasing, and with but slight breaks in the line. . . . 
The cormorants fished from the surface where they were evi- 
dently surrounded by a sea of the small fry, which, with much 
plunging and diving, they gobbled voraciously, until, their 
storage capacity reached, they rested in great black rafts on the 
water, waiting for the processes of digestion to give both excuse 
and space for further gorging. The boobies [gannets] fished from 
the air, plunging headlong and with great force from an average 
height of fifty feet into the water almost directly. It was a cur- 

3 Robert Cushman Murphy, op. cit.. Vol. 9, p. 65. 



ANIMAL LIFE 127 

tain of darts, a barrage of birds. The water below became a 
mass of foam from which, if one watched closely, hundreds of 
dark forms took wing at a low angle to return to the animated 
throng above, and dive again; or, their hunger satisfied, they 
filed away with thousands of others, to some distant resting 
place. . . . But the most amazing phenomenon in all this 
amazing scene was the action of flocks of boobies of five hundred 
to a thousand birds, which, in more or less compact formation, 
were hurrying to join one of the booby squalls which darkened 
the air over the fishing grounds. If, unexpectedly, they chanced 
to fly over a school of fish, instantly, and as one individual, every 
booby in the flock plunged downward and in a twinkling the air 
which had been filled with rapidly flying birds was left without 
a feather." 4 

The fishing birds which exist in our region in the greatest 
numbers are the guanay, or guano bird, a white-breasted cormo- 
rant; the alcatraz, a pelican; and the piquero ("lancer"), which is a 
gannet or booby. But there are many others which like these 
nest on the islands and feed in the water; for instance the skuas, 
the kelp gulls, penguins, and a diving petrel all represent emi- 
grants from far southern latitudes. Moreover, there are numer- 
ous small waders which derive their food from the shore line, 
as do some of the lizards, and an otter, normally a fresh-water 
animal, has been tempted to a maritime life by the prodigality 
of the fish supply. 

The fauna of the desert pampas of the coast lands I believe 
has not been described. It seems clear, however, that it is 
restricted mainly to the neighborhood of the valleys. Insects 
are numerous, as are the lizards which prey upon them. Snails 
are very numerous near the coast. A wild dog is frequently men- 
tioned, while an otter haunts the more permanent streams. Of 
the birds we have little information; but burrowing owls and 
the "desert bird" (Geositta) are characteristic, and vultures are 
constantly on the lookout for game or carrion. On the upper 
fringe of the desert brilliant humming birds hovering over the 

4 Frank Michler Chapman, Bird-Lore, Vol. 21, 1919, pp. 89-90. 



128 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

scarlet cactus flowers form a distinct color note in the landscape. 
Colibris and thrush-like birds are reported as common on the 
Pacific slope, and they play an important part in the fertilization 
of plants and in the distribution of the seeds of those whose fruit 
they eat. 

Life of the Western Cordillera and Puna 

As has been indicated the high Andes have a fauna all their 
own; mammals, birds, fishes, and other vertebrates, and probably 
lower animals as well are quite distinct. We have but to re- 
member the clear atmosphere and the absence of close vegetation 
to realize that the weaker animals, in order to continue to exist, 
must be provided with some defense against their far-seeing ene- 
mies. This defense is either great speed, as in the vicuna and 
chinchilla, or in protective coloring, as in the majority of the 
Puna birds; while the habit of some animals, such as the viscacha, 
of spending the day in a burrow and feeding by night is doubt- 
less in part protective. The cold climate is met in the case of 
the mammals by the provision of peculiarly thick wool or fur. 
Birds of prey are numerous, beasts of prey less so; and save for 
the waterfowl and swamp birds the great majority of the fauna 
is vegetable-eating — even many of the lizards. All of these 
animals have become completely adjusted to life at high alti- 
tudes, and most of them do not descend far below the typical 
Puna region. This may be due in part to the change in food con- 
ditions lower down, but in the main the temperature and pres- 
sure are the determinants of their range. Thus the domesti- 
cated llama, when driven down to the coast or into the Yungas, 
actually suffers and can only be kept at low altitudes for a 
short time. 

By far the most striking mammals of the Puna are the huanaco 
and the vicuna. These are the American representatives of the 
Camelidae, which they resemble somewhat in aspect. More 
common than these and therefore much more often referred to 
are the llama and alpaca. Zoologists, however, do not admit 
that they belong to the natural fauna, believing either that the 



ANIMAL LIFE 129 

llama is derived from the huanaco and the paca or alpaca from 
the vicuna or that each is derived from the crossing of the two 
native animals. It is clear that there is much variation in in- 
dividual llamas and alpacas, and it is further evident that domes- 
tication of both by the Ay mar a. Indians is of very ancient date, 
so that there seems no reason to doubt that this is so. The alti- 
tudinal limits of the two wild species in this region are usually 
given as about 2,500 meters and 5,000 meters, or practically up 
to the snow line. The huanaco is here at about its northern 
limit and is no longer common. The region is near the southern 
limit of the vicuna, on the other hand, but this animal is still 
common in the area. Both species are gregarious; but the 
huanaco, where common to the south of our area, moves in 
large herds — up to 500 — while the vicuna groups are small — 
20 to 30. The young are born in February, when the tempera- 
ture and rainfall are high and the pasture at its best. The vicuna 
is smaller and of lighter build than the huanaco. All this llama 
tribe resemble each other in aspect, having a look of the sheep 
as well as of the camel. The wild species are brown in color, 
but the llama and alpaca may be brown, white, gray, mottled, 
or even black. The coats of the vicuna and alpaca are of long, 
thick, silky wool which is of great value. 

The rodents are represented by a number of mice; but the 
best known are the larger chinchilla, viscacha, and cavy. The 
chinchilla, of which the "blue" variety inhabits our area, is a 
squirrel-like animal which lives in burrows or crevices in the 
rocky parts of the Altiplano and in the two cordilleras up to 
about 5,000 meters. The fur is close, silky, and valuable, so 
that the animal, hunted systematically by the Indians, is fast 
becoming extinct. The viscacha, which is larger and of heavier 
build than the chinchilla, has a less valuable fur, but it is also 
much sought after. It is susceptible of domestication, and some 
attempts are being made to cross it with the chinchilla. The 
hunting of both species is carried on by the use of ferrets to 
drive them from their burrows. No fate of extermination awaits 
the third of the rodents — the Bolivian cavy, its extreme fecun- 



130 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

dity being sufficient defense against this. It lives in the more 
deserted parts of the Altiplano and mountains where there is 
enough soil to support its warrens. The smaller domesticated 
variety of the cavy is the well known "guinea pig" which is kept 
— or rather exists — in numbers in and about every Indian dwel- 
ling and serves as a food for the natives. Other mammals of the 
Puna include the spectacled bear; the puma, and the wild dog; 
all of which are found in small numbers up to the snow line. 

The natural fauna of the Puna is much less obvious to the 
traveler than is the domestic, of which more will be said in another 
place. But the bird life is plentiful. As has been indicated, 
similar environment has led to the development of an avifauna 
derived from lower altitudes in the southern part of the conti- 
nent; and the requirements of southern birds of plain, marsh, 
and lake are fully met on the Puna. Thus we find southern 
geese, ducks, grebes and coots, divers, cormorants and gulls in 
enormous quantities on lakes Poop6 and Titicaca as well as on 
the numerous mountain tarns; while great numbers of plover, 
snipe, avocets, curlews, ibises, and herons inhabit the plateau 
and especially the swamps. Amongst the small birds the pipits 
are especially plentiful. The waterfowl are of varied hue and 
habit. They have admirable feeding grounds and nesting 
places amid the wide reed beds around the margins of the lakes, 
and they are practically unmolested, for the natives do not 
trouble to hunt or trap them to any extent. Only the grebes 
appear to suffer much at their hands. These they hunt by 
night, dazzling them with torches and so taking them from the 
water alive. The most brilliantly colored bird of the Puna is 
probably the Andean flamingo {Phoenicopterus chilensis), a bird 
whose breeding grounds have never been discovered. Some of 
these localities, however, are said to be known to the Indians, 
who are reported to find their eggs a delicacy and are probably 
thus causing great inroads upon this beautiful species. The 
muddy margins of small lakes almost certainly form the nesting 
grounds of this bird. Such places are numerous all along the 
Cordillera Occidental; and it may be noted that in the La Paz 



ANIMAL LIFE 131 

sheet the name Parinacota, which is the Indian word for flamingo, 
occurs twice — designating a village 40 kilometers west of Sajama 
near to several lakes, and a lake lying to the southwest of Isluga 
and on the 69th meridian. It is difficult to understand why the 
flamingo, in such an environment and virtually defenseless, 
should be endowed by nature with such a gaudy coat. The 
majority of the plovers, snipes, and pipits, i. e. the birds of the 
plateaus other than waterfowl, are dun-colored and blend admira- 
bly with the background of ichu grass and earth. The snipe 
family provides an interesting example of the effect upon form 
of a puna or tundra environment. Separate genera are found 
which have entirely lost the characteristic long bill, necessary 
for probing the wet mud in search of worms and grubs; and, 
while one of these has developed the general appearance of the 
ptarmigan, another has taken on the aspect of a large lark. 

The condor with his huge wing stretch, the smaller turkey 
vulture, as well as other birds of prey and carrion feeders are a 
prominent feature of the mountain landscape. The powerful 
vision of these birds is remarkable, and the death of any ani- 
mal is quickly followed by their arrival on the scene. The con- 
dor's eggs are laid at the end of February and are not hatched 
for some six weeks. It will, therefore, be noted that, as in the 
case of the vicuna, the young begin life in the late summer. 

The fishes of the plateau have been studied notably by Agas- 
siz 6 and more recently and completely by Neveu-Lemaire, 6 
Eigenmann, 7 and Evermann and Radcliffe. 8 They are interest- 
ing chiefly from the fact that they have evidently reached their 
present isolated habitat when the waters of the Altiplano were 
still tributary to the Amazon basin. The fish comprise but two 
genera. Of one of these there are two species, but of the other 
{Orestias) there are nine species or varieties; and Neveu-Lemaire 
states that this relatively large number of species in one genus 
may perhaps be explained by adaptation to life at high altitudes 

5 Alexander Agassiz and S. W. Garman, (92), also Alexander Agassiz, (93). 
8 M. Neveu-Lemaire, (95). 

7 Carl H. Eigenmann, (108). 

8 Barton Warren Evermann and Lewis Radcliffe, (109). 



132 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

so recent that the forms are still in course of evolution and dif- 
ferentiation. The same author describes a number of mollusks 
as well as two frogs, one of which was observed by Agassiz to 
make a practice of sitting amongst the water plants at the bot- 
tom of the lake for hours on end. 

Life on the Atlantic Slope 

The difficulty of access to the forested slopes of the eastern 
Andes accounts for the paucity of accurate information re- 
garding the fauna of this section. But three facts stand out 
clearly: it is extremely rich both in kind and quantity; it is 
entirely different from that of the Puna; and, like the vegetation, 
it occurs in zones. The mammals seem to be more abundant on 
the lower slopes and valleys than higher up; but this charac- 
teristic is probably much less marked in the birds and insects. 
These are often quite restricted in altitudinal range, and when 
the subject has been closely studied we shall undoubtedly find 
a close relationship between the temperature zones on the one 
hand and the ranges of special plants and of the animals de- 
pendent upon them on the other. The birds, while they include 
many which have brilliant plumage — as in other forested parts 
of South America, are probably in the main inconspicuous. 
The brightly colored birds, however, are better known because 
more easily observed and collected. The majority have short 
wing feathers, indicating that they are not strong fliers. These 
birds in fact spend their lives in a small locality, and their 
flights are little more than jumps from tree to tree. 

The greater part of the forests falling within our area is of 
subtropical type — the dense, tangled, wet growth of great 
luxuriance, described in the previous chapter as the Ceja de la 
Montana, which extends from eastern Bolivia northward to 
central Colombia, where its fauna has been studied by Chapman, 
whose work 9 on bird distribution of that country is a model. 
The life throughout the entire zone is believed to be exceptionally 
uniform, but at present the extent to which it varies with lati- 

8 Frank Michler Chapman, (106). 



ANIMAL LIFE 133 

tude cannot be determined. Chapman states that its fauna has 
been derived in the main from the tropical zone below it — the 
specialization having begun presumably with the elevation of 
the Andes or perhaps re-started after the Ice Age. The species 
of the subtropical forest, then, mostly have their more ancestral 
relatives below them in the tropical forest; but some, as Chapman 
shows, have come from the north following their particular alti- 
tudinal zone for thousands of miles, advancing slowly but surely 
— perhaps no more rapidly than ground -haunting mammals; 
for, as we have seen, individual birds of this type do not move 
far from their birthplace. From Chapman's description of the 
bird types we may note that "tanagers are the most numerous 
in species as well as in individuals, . . . thrushes, while far 
less numerous in species, have almost as large a proportionate 
representation. Guans, trogons, capites, toucans, dendrocolap- 
tids, cotingas, and wrens are all characteristic of the sub-tropical 
zone and, in the Colombian Andes,, have about half as many 
species in it as in the Tropical Zone. The flycatchers are about 
one-half as numerous in the subtropics as in the tropics. . . . 
As might be expected, few true finches inhabit the subtropical 
zone, but the tanager-finches . . . are almost restricted to 
it." 19 It may be added that the wood hewers are very numer- 
ous also. 

It would be useless with the uneven data in hand from chance 
references to attempt to compile a list of important birds of the 
forest in the La Paz area. But with the mammals the matter is 
otherwise. For there are a few types of these which undoubtedly 
predominate. The high grass steppes and the upper fringe of 
the forest are the grazing grounds of the deer, of which there 
are two kinds — the guemal, which is akin to the North Ameri- 
can types, and the dwarf padua, which hails from the south. 
The padua resembles a large terrier dog in size and bears the 
smallest of antlers. In this zone also there are armadillos, 
although these are more typical of the dry valleys in the neigh- 
borhood of Cochabamba. The Carnivores are represented in 

10 Frank Michler Chapman, op. tit., pp. 138-139. 



134 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

the higher zone by the nasua or coatimundi which lives on small 
animals, and various opossums are found in the upper tree zone, 
some of which have a bare prehensile tail indicating their arboreal 
life. The spectacled bear, already mentioned, also comes down 
the eastern slope to the edge of the forest. 

The collector of mammals in the forest must rely upon the 
trap, for he cannot penetrate far from the trails, so thick is the 
undergrowth in all but the high rain forest of the flat land; and 
if he could do so, he would not see any of the large group of ani- 
mals which move only by night. It is impossible at present to 
determine ranges of even the leading species of the forest beyond 
stating that the sloths and most of the monkeys are found only 
below one thousand meters. Above that line probably the most 
numerous are the peccaries (South American swine) and agoutis, 
both of which live on roots, bark, fruits, etc. The jaguar, the 
largest of the cat tribe in America, and the ocelot, his smaller 
cousin, are the chief beasts of prey. Along the rivers there are 
capybaras, or so-called "water pigs" — large swimming rodents, 
and coypus. Other rats of various size and color have a spiny 
fur which is a defense against snakes; and these latter doubtless 
are numerous. All authorities agree that the least attractive of 
all animals of the Andean fringe is the tayra, which is virtually 
a huge weasel. It is some three feet long, almost black in color, 
and is gregarious. It is always described as hideously ugly and 
extremely vicious. 

We may conclude this brief account of the animal life in the 
La Paz sheet area by emphasizing the climatic control of life 
in respect to reproduction. We have seen that on the high 
plateaus and mountains the young of the condor and the wild 
ruminants are born in the hottest month and towards the end 
of the rainy season, and this rule probably holds good for many 
other animals. The food supply is then at its maximum, and 
sufficient time remains before the cold weather to enable the 
young to acquire resistance to it. On the coast and lower slopes 
on both flanks of the Andes climate exercises no such definite 
control. Temperatures are much more equable, and the food 



ANIMAL LIFE 135 

supply of most animals is constant. Thus the sea birds breed 
all through the year but with a maximum intensity in the 
summer (November to January), while the passerine (perching) 
birds of the coast lands breed entirely in that season. In the 
forests there is no well-marked seasonal rhythm either in plant 
or animal life, although we may suppose that there is some 
variation in the amount of reproduction corresponding to the 
wetter and drier periods. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE INHABITANTS AND THEIR ADAPTATION TO 
THE ENVIRONMENT 

The Races and Their Origin 

Students of archeology, anthropology, and philology have 
devoted much research to the Central Andes. Their main task 
has been to determine the origin and affinities of peoples who 
have left their marks in various ways upon the region. In some 
respects they have been remarkably successful, although the 
veil of mystery which long shrouded the entire subject still hangs 
over some of its important phases. But recent researches of 
linguistic authorities 1 have thrown light upon one leading point 
— the affinities of the Urus, the most primitive race inhabiting 
the Altiplano. The conclusions of philologists regarding the 
early peopling of the Central Andes may perhaps be accepted 
provisionally, since they seem to be in harmony with the results 
obtained by workers in other fields. 

The Central Andean regions were occupied in the first place 
by extremely ancient peoples who came from the Amazonian 
plains and whose type has been preserved for us by the Urus. 
This population, living entirely by hunting and fishing, were 
later submerged by a pastoral and farming people — the Collas 
or Aymaras, who possessed a much higher civilization and were 
the architects of the magnificent buildings of Tiahuanaco. Lastly, 
at a more recent epoch, the Quichuas appeared, a conquering 
people who gradually extended their rule over all Peru and the 
adjacent lands and whose language spread at the expense of 
Aymara, just as the latter had previously spread at the expense 
of Uru, although perhaps for different reasons. 

The population in the area of the La Paz sheet comprises a 

1 G. de Crequi Montfort and P. Rivet, (123) and (124). 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 137 

small remnant of the Urus in a few places on the plateau and 
larger but unimportant numbers of their Amazonian relatives 
in the lowland forests. But the great mass of the people are 
Aymaras and Quichuas, each associated — in degree varying with 
locality — with half-breeds whose blood is in part Spanish. 

Until recent years nothing was known to science of the affini- 
ties of the Urus, and yet their importance is as a link with the 
past and consequently affects chiefly anthropology and history. 
The Urus live today in small groups near the outlet of Titicaca, 
along the Desaguadero, and north of lake Coipasa where they 
are known as Chipayas. They are mainly occupied with fishing 
and hunting aquatic birds. In 1901 Polo — from the study of 
Spanish treatises — was able to demonstrate 2 that a people 
speaking a language known as Puquina were found at the time 
of the conquest all over the Altiplano and on the Pacific coast 
throughout our area. The early Spaniards referred to Puquina as 
one of the lenguas generates of Peru, and a single precious text 
of this has been preserved. 3 But the affinities of the language 
long remained unknown. In 1894 Grassiere established 4 a 
connection between Puquina and the Arawak tongues of Ama- 
zonia, and Cr6qui-Montfort and Rivet after careful analysis 
have now pronounced Uru to be the Puquina dialect with the 
modifications of three centuries masking it. These authors, like 
many before, point to the fact that the Urus, surrounded by 
races of shepherds and farmers, are themselves fishers and 
hunters and conclude that this is explained by their Amazonian 
origin. These river fishers and hunters of the forests spreading 
up to the Puna became the fishermen of the lakes and ultimately, 
pushing down the Pacific slope, adapted their habits so as to 
draw their sustenance from the ocean. The Urus, while either 
extinct or absorbed on the Pacific coast and in most of the 
plateau, have retained their individuality, habits, and language 
in the few localities mentioned. 

2 Jose Toribio Polo, (12s). 

8 Written by a Jesuit, Alonso de Barzana, in the sixteenth century and preserved 
in the "Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum," Naples, 1607. 
4 R. de la Grassiere: Langue Puquina, Leipzig, 1894. 



138 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

The origins of the Aymaras and of their conquerors, the 
Quichuas, remain in obscurity. Some have believed that the 
two races are related; but the anthropologist Chervin, after 
detailed investigations and measurements stated 5 that they con- 
stitute two distinct brachycephalic peoples. 

It seems likely that prior to the advance southward of the 
Quichua armies of the Incas the entire highland area of our 
region was dominated by the Collas, or — to give them their 
modern name — the Aymaras; but little is known regarding the 
history of the period before the conquest by the Inca of Collasuyo, 
the title by which most of our region was known in ancient times. 

The most eloquent testimony to the greatness of the race 
which once ruled in the Collasuyo, is the ruins of their monu- 
ments. The most noted of these are found at Tiahuanaco, a few 
miles east of the southern end of lake Titicaca. Here are remains 
of buildings — probably temples or palaces — constructed out of 
massive blocks of stone and showing a very advanced develop- 
ment of the art of masonry. It is not known whether these 
ruins are vestiges of an isolated empire that existed in this part 
of the plateau or whether they were the work of the same people 
who built the megalithic structures at Cuzco, Ollantaytambo, 
and other places on the Andean highlands. It is thought that 
they were ruins even at the time the Inca empire was founded, 
since there existed among the Indians no tradition that would 
connect them with that dynasty. This place was apparently the 
site of an ancient city of great size, for the ground over an area 
of several square miles, and to a depth of a meter or more is 
filled with the relics of an ancient settlement. This was probably 
the metropolis of the entire region, since, although there are 
evidences of a large population over almost the entire lake 
region, there is no other known center such as this. The ruins, 
moreover, point to the existence of a well organized authority 
and apparently a far greater production than now is found or 
than even seems possible in this high, cold region. This has led 
some to conclude that there must have taken place an extreme 

6 Arthur Chervin, (126). 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 139 

change of climate or even to conjecture that the entire plateau 
has been subject to a great elevation in very recent times. But 
it is also possible that some economic system was devised where- 
by the people who lived in this populous center might be sup- 
ported by the more productive lands of the valleys that descend 
from the surrounding plateau. It is known that the Inca dynasty 
in later times employed a system of tribute whereby the products 
of many other regions were poured into the storehouses of Cuzco 
and other royal depositories. A similar system had been evolved 
in Mexico, where the populous capital of the Aztecs, situated on 
their narrow island home, was supported by the contributions 
exacted from conquered tribes. Perhaps some such scheme of 
support enabled the people of Tiahuanaco to live in what seems 
to the modern observer an impossible location for a large 
city. 

It is known, too, that the Incas had developed a system of 
colonization, whereby the various diverse regions were settled 
and their products put at the disposal of the highlanders. They 
had also the system of the mita, or forced labor, by which the 
services of any man in the empire might be drafted periodically 
to work for the emperor and his associates. It is possible that 
these arrangements were not innovations introduced by the 
Incas but were customs which had been established among the 
aboriginal peoples from remote antiquity and which had served 
to make the existence of such a city as the ancient Tiahuanaco 
possible in its unfavorable site. 

The Collas have a long legendary history. Their culture 
apparently far antedated that of the Inca empire. A list exists 
containing the names of 92 kings who are said to have reigned 
before the establishment of the Inca dynasty. Moreover, the 
excellent workmanship displayed in their ruins, the relative 
perfection of social organization among the Aymaras, the 
existence of many varieties of cultivated plants, and the evident 
antiquity of domestication of the llama and the cuey (the cavy, 
or guinea pig) all point to a very ancient culture that existed in 
this region of Collasuyo. Consequently it is not improper to 



140 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

consider the highland section of the La Paz sheet as distinctly 
the Aymara country. 

It is clear that Quichua penetration under the Incas operated 
from north to south, and the topography of the interior table- 
land of the Central Andes is such that between the mountains 
of Vilcanota and the southern limit of our area the only great 
natural obstacle to conquest is Lake Titicaca. It is behind this 
barrier that the main body of the Collas have maintained them- 
selves, resisting all efforts to incorporate them into the unity of 
the great Inca empire. In spite of subsequent conquest by the 
Spaniards, they remained and remain little mixed with other 
ethnic elements, speaking their own language (somewhat cor- 
rupted by Quichua and Spanish, it is true) and preserving their 
own customs much as in ancient times. In the southern part of 
the sheet area, however, the population today is thoroughly 
Quichua in culture, a fact which may perhaps be accounted for 
by deliberate colonization on the part of the Incas of the south- 
ern marches of the empire. 

The great bulk of the people, then, are either Aymaras or 
Quichuas. Mainly in the towns there is a fair proportion of 
whites, the descendants of the Spanish conquerors, while a larger 
body scattered throughout the land are the mestizos, or cholos, 
who carry white blood in widely varying proportions. The 
Bolivian census of 1900 gave the white population of the Repub- 
lic as 231,000, or over 14 per cent of the whole. But the great 
majority of these are undoubtedly people of mixed blood. 
Racial statistics for the parts of Chile and Peru in the region are 
not available. In the coastal districts there is some admixture 
of negro blood, derived from slaves introduced by the Spaniards. 
The tale of races in the region is completed by the small Uru 
groups above-mentioned, and by the Mosetenos, Chimanes, 
and Yuracares (in order northwest to southwest), forest tribes of 
purely Amazonian affinities, but practically nothing is known of 
their distribution. 

The two great peoples of the Central Andes closely resemble 
each other in several characteristics; thus they are brachy- 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 141 

cephalic (index 82), and their average stature is about the same 
(about 160 centimeters, or 5 feet 3 inches) ; but the Aymara has 
a longer and broader thorax, and from this results a body abnor- 
mally long in proportion to the legs. The Aymara, then, has a 
more massive appearance. He is also somewhat lighter in skin 
tint. His forehead and his chin recede more, and the former is 
narrower than in the case of the Quichua; while he is wider 
across the cheek bones, so that his face has a typical lozenge 
shape. The Aymara, in spite of his shorter legs, takes a longer 
pace. He wears his hair loose, clipped at the shoulder, while the 
Quichua wears his in a plait. There are also minor differences in 
dress, while all observers notice a striking psychological diver- 
gence. The Quichua is distinctly docile, while the Aymara is 
intractable, independent, and often stubborn. The Quichuas 
have better-developed social qualities; the Aymaras, being 
lovers of solitude, commonly live in small groups or even single 
families. In discussing the color of the Aymaras, Forbes 6 notes 
distinct differences of tint in the various climatic provinces. In 
the dry regions, whether hot or cold, the color is described as 
blackish brown; in cold, moist areas, light coppery brown; and in 
the hot, wet, eastern valleys, yellowish brown. 

Distribution of the Population 

Plate I is a map showing the approximate distribution of 
population in the La Paz sheet area. It may be considered as 
sufficiently reliable to give a basis for discussion at least of the 
outstanding features of the distribution and agglomeration of 
people in the region. Unfortunately, no very recent statistics 
are given in sufficient detail to allow of the construction of a 
population map. We have, therefore, had recourse to the official 
census returns of Bolivia, Chile, and Peru made respectively in 
1900, 1907, and 1876. The lack of contemporaneity in these three 
documents is of course a drawback, as is their antiquity. Further- 
more, the census returns themselves cannot be regarded as 
accurate, since the difficulties of taking the census — widely 

• David Forbes, (122). 



142 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

scattered population and native hostility to enumeration, to 
mention only two of them — have so far baffled the governments 
concerned. This map should be compared with Plate II for the 
occupation and mode of life of the various groups. 

The method of constructing the population map was as fol- 
lows. The boundaries of the smallest political units for which 
population was given in the census were plotted on the map, 
and it may be noted in passing that for most of the region these 
boundaries have appeared on no map hitherto; indeed the posi- 
tion of such lines is often quite vague in the minds of the in- 
habitants themselves. In the light of geographical knowledge 
an estimate was then made regarding the real location of people 
within these small political divisions; and lines were drawn 
limiting the various groups. Little difficulty was encountered in 
fixing the limits of strictly sedentary population, as, for instance, 
in mining districts or areas under irrigation. But where the 
physical environment is relatively inhospitable and the inhabi- 
tants have to move over wide areas to gain their sustenance, an 
effort has been made to spread such people over the total land 
on which they are in any way dependent. Thus throughout by 
far the greater part of the map low densities are shown covering 
wide spaces with but little variation, instead of villages or ham- 
lets as the centers of small areas of greater density. For two 
reasons the former method is regarded as the better. First, 
because there are many small aggregations which do not appear 
on the map; and, secondly, because the Indians of these areas 
are largely occupied with pastoral pursuits and their flocks roam 
far and wide over the plateaus. 

The population represented on this map is approximately 
828,000, made up as follows: in Bolivia 635,000; in Chile 62,000, 
and in Peru 131,000. These numbers accounted for the following 
proportions of the total populations of the three countries: 
Bolivia .36, Chile .02, Peru .03. The total land area of the sheet, 
with lakes and salars deducted, is in round figures 230,000 square 
kilometers, so that the average density per square kilometer 
is 3.6 (9.3 per square mile). 





1900 


La Paz 


397.643 


Oruro 


86,081 


Cochabamba 


326,153 


Potosi 


323.61S 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 143 

The population of Bolivia was officially estimated in 19 18, and 
a comparison of the census figures for the four departments 
which touch the area is given below: 

1918 
734,021 
137.336 
512,590 
515.458 

Of this population the following proportion occupies territory 
covered by the La Paz sheet: 

In the Department of Oruro — all 
In the Department of La Paz — about four-fifths 
In the Department of Cochabamba — about one-half 
In the Department of Potosi — about one-fifth 

The two most outstanding dense agglomerations (grade K, 
over 125 per square kilometer, or 324 per square mile) are those 
in the basins of Arequipa and Cochabamba 7 both of which repre- 
sent agricultural populations practicing irrigation for the most 
part and living in a number of villages as well as in the two cities 
themselves. The latter, however, in common with all towns of 
over 4,000 inhabitants, other than mining centers, have been 
eliminated from the density calculation. The other areas of the 
highest degree of density are all about centers of mining indus- 
try. The lines have been drawn so as to include all the important 
mines about the centers. Thus we find a lower density on the 
nitrate fields than about Corocoro or Uncia, where the mines 
are more concentrated. The same tint appears in conventional 
rectangles over a few small towns which are not shown by special 
signs. The districts in which agriculture is important, although 
less intensively practiced than in the case above mentioned, are 
those which bear a population of grades H, G, F, E, and D — 
varying in density between 125 and 10 per square kilometer 
(324 and 26 per square mile). The grading within those limits 

7 In this connection see Isaiah Bowman: The Distribution of Population in 
Bolivia, Bull. Geogr. Soc. of Philadelphia, Vol. 7, 1909, pp. 28-47. 



144 * THE CENTRAL ANDES 

will be found to bear a close relationship to the water and soil 
conditions described elsewhere; and it should be noted that 
agricultural populations denser than 50 per square kilometer 
(grade F and upwards) are all to be found below an altitude of 
3,000 meters, except on the shores of Titicaca where the climate 
is less rigorous than in the rest of the puna. The three lowest 
grades, C, B, and A (less than 10 per square kilometer), while 
they cover a few areas of sparsely settled and purely agricultural 
population, represent in the main the distribution oi people who 
depend upon pastoral pursuits. On account of the wide range of 
the domestic and other animals upon which such people rely for 
their sustenance, very few areas are shown as uninhabited. They 
are restricted to the hot deserts, the salars, and those parts of 
the mountains and plateaus where soil and vegetation are reduced 
to a minimum. The northeast corner of the map is left blank 
owing to lack of data. 

To make a proper comparison between the distribution of 
people in one area with that in another it is necessary to have 
population maps for both on about the same scale. Moreover, it 
is of greatest interest to compare regions where people follow 
similar pursuits — in this case agriculture, mining, and stock 
rearing. If, then, we had population maps on the same scale 
for parts of Colorado, the southern Ural, and New South Wales, 
to select from these continents, we might make some interesting 
deductions; but for the present we must be satisfied with two 
maps, of Wallachia (Rumania 8 ) and Sicily, 8 both of them long- 
settled agricultural regions. In Wallachia, which contains some- 
thing over one-third of the land area of the La Paz sheet, the 
population as a whole is much denser; but we find examples of 
most of the grades represented on our map. Thus the steppes 
east of Bucharest and the Carpathian forests correspond generally 
to grade C. The great contrast appears when we note that while 
the Bolivia grades E and K are limited to the few closely cul- 

8 Emmanuel de Martonne: Densite de la population en Valachie en 1899, 1:1,- 
200,000, Bull Soc. Geogr. Romina, Vol. 23, 1902; and Attilio Mori: Densita della 
popolazione in Sicilia nell anno 191 1; scala 1:800,000, Memorie Geogr., No. 36, 
Firenze, 1920. 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 145 

tivated spots about Arequipa, Titicaca, Cochabamba, etc., 
these grades are found all over the plains of Wallachia; and 
several of the valleys there support wide belts of more than 200 
people to the square kilometer. 

Sicily would fit roughly into the corner of our map northeast 
of the Cordillera Real, and its average population density is 
higher than grade K. Actually it has a number of areas support- 
ing more than 500 people to the square kilometer and only a few 
small spaces with less than 50. 

Such comparisons are useful if only in causing us to reflect 
upon the remoteness of this Andean region from the great world 
centers of population from which it might be more closely 
peopled, as well as upon its great altitude and other physical 
features which will certainly prevent it ever attaining such 
densities, save in the most favored spots. 

The arrangement of population has of course undergone a 
number of modifications in the past. We have seen that at one 
stage of the prehistoric period Tiahuanaco was a great center 
probably maintained by a food supply from distant provinces. 
Otherwise the people who were dependent upon the llama and 
alpaca were probably more evenly distributed on the plateau 
than at present, and only small numbers lived in the marginal 
valleys. With the coming of the Spaniards in the sixteenth 
century great changes took place in a short time. The lodestone 
which brought the conguistadores into the region was the mineral 
wealth, and the opening of numerous mines led to a concentra- 
tion of population in regions hitherto very sparsely occupied. 
The development of these mining centers is treated below; but 
we may note here that the Spaniards in flocking to the mines 
took many Indians with them, either as impressed laborers or 
free workmen. The new overlords were not long in control of 
the land before they took advantage of the presence of sedentary 
agricultural Indians and secured extensive grants of land (en- 
comiendas) with serfs attached. Many of them settled upon these 
estates to enjoy the ease of life and the comforts which such a 
system of land tenure brought them. Thus new centers of popu- 



146 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

lation were formed, located as a rule in the valleys of the eastern 
Andes and the irrigated parts of the Pacific slope. For it was 
there that the Spaniards found the climate most suited to their 
comfort and to the animals and plants which they introduced 
from Spain. This led to the enhanced importance of the valleys 
and to the increase of their population. The new era was marked 
by the foundation of many valley towns such as Cochabamba, 
Inquisivi, and Quime. 

The redistribution of the population was also undertaken by 
the enactment of measures intended to reorganize the newly 
acquired territories somewhat on the model of European coun- 
tries. The scattered nature of the Aymara settlements 9 was not 
suited to the purposes of the Spanish Government, which wished 
to secure complete political control over the Indians in order to 
convert them to Christianity, to induct them into the ways of 
European civilization, and to collect a small tribute from them. 
Consequently the Viceroy, Don Francisco de Toledo (1569- 
1581), issued orders that all Indians should be compelled to 
gather together and to live in properly organized towns. While 
this order was not carried out fully, it brought many of the 
Indians into larger settlements and subjected them to the more 
complete authority of the colonial officials. Many, however, 
continued to live as formerly, either independently or upon the 
estates of the Spanish encomenderos, who generally opposed the 
reduction of the Indians to towns, being loath to see their serfs 
transferred from their properties. This was particularly the case 
among the hills and valleys of the eastern Cordillera, where most 
of the Spaniards had established their rural holdings. About Lake 
Titicaca and along the piedmont at the eastern border of the 
Altiplano the Indians became congregated in a string of rela- 
tively important towns. 

Upon the western slope of the Maritime Cordillera there also 
grew up a number of Spanish towns, founded usually upon the 
sites of ancient Indian settlements, since few of the widely 
separated oases along this desert slope had not already been 

8 See Appendix A. 



Plate I 




Plate I 




Scale 1-2,000,000 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 147 

occupied by aboriginal agriculturalists. The Spaniards, well 
accustomed to an arid country and the use of irrigation, found 
these west-coast valleys, with their warm climate and fertile 
soil, choice sites for vineyards, olive orchards, and fields of 
cotton, cane, and wheat. In spite of the severe handicap of de- 
structive earthquakes, these valleys soon became centers of 
European population. The Indians were reduced to serfdom 
upon the estates of the invaders, or were crowded out of the 
valleys and forced into the colder, less productive grasslands 
of the higher slopes, where they eked out a miserable existence 
from the small patches of tillable land or from the droves of 
llamas and alpacas which could be pastured at these heights. 

Along the coast itself, too, there grew up a number of ports, 
most of them small, since no good harbors are found on this 
section of the Pacific littoral. The Indians had been little accus- 
tomed to navigation in these waters. Coastwise traffic was 
almost, if not entirely, unknown among them. Hence they had 
no ports of any importance. The Spaniards promptly founded a 
line of ports as the exploration of the coast advanced, and before 
many decades had passed there appeared a series of these, a 
formal port or a caleta (cove or bay) being established at the 
mouth of almost every valley. Sometimes a town grew up about 
these landing places; but more often, because of the utter 
aridity of the coast, the towns were built a few leagues in- 
land, where both water and fertile soil served to support the 
inhabitants. 

In later years, chiefly in the following century, even the towns 
that had been built upon the coast were often moved inland, for 
fear of the English privateers which frequented these waters 
and because of the dread of "tidal" waves that sometimes accom- 
panied the earthquakes. This resulted in the existence of pairs 
of towns; a little port at the seashore and, inland a few leagues, 
a thriving agricultural settlement — the two linked by a road 
leading up the dry river course. Of such twin towns the most 
notable in the area we are discussing were Arequipa and its 
port of Quilca (beyond the limit of the map) ; Moquegua and 



148 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Ilo; Tacna and Arica. These valley towns while primarily of 
agricultural importance also served as the last way stations for 
the silver that was being shipped from the mines on the high 
plateau to the coast and thence to Lima (the viceroyalty capital) 
or to Spain via Panama. 

The agricultural occupation of the land by whites also resulted 
in a partial zoning of the two races. The Spaniards who settled 
upon the land, as already indicated, sought out the districts where 
the climate was best suited to their requirements. From such 
districts the former Indian occupants were crowded out, or such 
as remained became gradually absorbed into the growing popu- 
lation of mestizos. Only the great expanse of the Altiplano, and 
the higher ridges between the valieys were left to the native 
Indian population. Thus the high valleys from 2,500 to 3,000 
meters became largely European in racial character and in cul- 
ture, while the regions above the 3,000-meter contour remained 
distinctly aboriginal in both. The exceptions to this were the 
mining centers, generally located at high altitudes. These, 
though composed in large part of Indian inhabitants, were 
organized on a European model and became more and more 
European in character, thus forming islands of white or mestizo 
residents among the prevailingly Indian population of the higher 
regions. 

The mixing of the Spanish and Indian races which took place 
in these Andean highlands is in contrast to the process which 
went on in most of the lowland countries of both North and South 
America, where a war of extermination was carried on between 
the whites and the Indians and where the latter were either 
annihilated or were driven back before the whites into the 
interior parts of the country. Upon the plateaus both of the 
Andes and of Mexico, where the Indians were sedentary and 
firmly attached to the soil, the Spaniards came in as a race of 
masters, subjugating but neither exterminating nor driving out 
the natives. The fact that the conquerors seldom brought their 
women with them led to the growth of a mixed race which very 
soon outnumbered the Spaniards themselves. Since a number of 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 149 

negro slaves had been brought in with the conquerors and also 
made alliances with Indian women, there grew up as well a 
smaller but important element of mixed negro and Indian blood. 
This mingling of races and the clearly drawn lines of social 
demarcation produced a number of slightly differing racial 
groups. There were the Spaniards, born in Spain; the Creoles, 
of pure Spanish blood, but born in America of parents who had 
virtually severed their ties with the homeland; the mestizos, 
children born of Spanish fathers and Indian mothers; the mulatos, 
born of white and negro parents; and the zambaigos, or zambos, 
descendants of Indian and negro parents. As the time passed, the 
blending of these various groups brought about still other com- 
binations, each of which received a separate name, until there 
resulted the greatest variety of racial types. 

Mode of Life 

. By far the greater part of the population is still living almost 
entirely on the produce of the country itself, and as regards 
physical requirements these people are more or less in the con- 
dition in which their ancestors were found by the conquistador es. 
Let us therefore analyze briefly these simple needs and see how 
they are met. The three concrete demands of peoples in an 
early stage of culture are food, shelter, and clothing; and as soon 
as the value of exchange is realized some means of transport 
becomes imperative. Long before the Spanish Conquest the 
natural resources of the land — and indirectly of the sea — had 
been fully exploited to meet these needs in an entirely inde- 
pendent manner; and, moreover, the rulers at least were main- 
tained in a state of affluence, so that luxuries were already known 
and procured. 

Food 

The period at which the Collas and Quichuas became sedentary 
peoples must have been very remote; and ever since their settle- 
ment they must have been primarily occupied with pastoral and 
agricultural pursuits, their food being furnished by the soil. 



150 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

The primitive and native food staples still form the main por- 
tion of the Indians' diet throughout the land. Thus the natives 
of the puna subsist almost entirely on potato, oca, dried beans, 
the grain of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) with aji (capsicum) 
ground up as seasoning, and a certain amount of maize brought 
from lower altitudes. It is noteworthy that, unlike the inhabi- 
tants of other high plateaus, the Andean natives do not make 
any extensive use of milk and its products, although these might 
presumably be procured from both llama and sheep. The potato 
is alternately frozen and thawed till the water is expelled, leaving 
a shrunken, light, and corklike substance known as chuno. Their 
food thus consists largely of carbohydrates, with protein derived 
chiefly from the beans. Sugar and sweet stuffs play no important 
part in the diet of the plateau Indians. In the past probably the 
only sweet fruit available was that of the cactus, which they 
still eat with relish. Animal foods are eaten only on rare occa- 
sions; but it would seem that, when hunting was a commoner 
pursuit than it is now, meat played a larger part in their diet. 
The cold climate, however, would seem to demand a greater 
consumption of fats or oil than exists, and it may be noted that 
lard, when sold in the towns, finds a good market. Around the 
shores of Titicaca fish is eaten; but the greater part of the catch 
is marketed in La Paz, a certain amount being dried and sent 
farther afield, as for instance to the valleys of the Yungas, where 
it is one of the main items offered in exchange for coca and 
fruit. It is said that fresh fish from Titicaca, as well as from the 
sea, was sent to the Inca's table at Cuzco by means of a system 
of relay runners (chasquis) which he maintained. At the time 
of the Conquest the settlements about Titicaca were recognized 
as amongst the most prosperous in Peru. It would appear that 
the fisheries were chiefly responsible for this. The chief signifi- 
cance of maize to the plateau Indians is as the basis of chicha, an 
alcoholic beverage prepared from the fermentation of the grain. 
This drink, which is the commonest form of alcohol in use, is 
responsible for much of the drunkenness, habitual among the 
Indians but most apparent during the excesses of the feast 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 151 

periods. But it is rather on the purer alcohol [aguardiente) 
brought from the cane fields of coast and Yungas, that they rely, 
at the fiestas, to obtain the desired excitement and subsequent 
oblivion. Salt, a necessary ingredient of the diet throughout 
the entire region, is found in the salars in unlimited quantity 
and is one of the standing elements of internal trade. A curious 
habit amongst the Aymaras is the eating of clay mixed with their 
food. Apparently the only purpose it serves is to delay digestion 
and give a sense of repletion. 

On the Pacific slope maize must long have been the chief staple, 
as indeed it is today, although fish has always been eaten in the 
coastal villages. In the districts settled by the Spaniards wheat, 
barley, and alfalfa were introduced from Europe. The first has 
ever since been the chief staple of the whites and is used to a 
more limited extent by the Indians of these parts. Barley has 
been widely cultivated, even on the plateau, where it does not 
usually ripen but is used for fodder and straw. Apparently in 
ancient times there was no such variety of fruit and vegetable 
here as there is now that the native products have been supple- 
mented by those introduced both from Spain (see p. 113) and 
from che Yungas. 

In these valleys of the eastern Andes the indigenous yuca 
and banana still supply starchy foods, which are supplemented 
by maize and a number of tropical fruits. Here again the variety 
of products has been greatly increased by the Spaniards; but 
the foodstuffs such as coffee, cacao, and cane sugar are mainly 
for export to the plateau for use by the whites and cholos. The 
savage Indians of the lower valleys, however, are hunters and 
fishers and so mingle a vegetable diet with game. Cattle, intro- 
duced from Spain, are kept in the clearings of the lowland. The 
dried meat of these, known as charqui, like the biltong of Africa 
forms a common food of the mestizos, especially when traveling. 

Shelter 

Climatic control is reflected in the type of dwelling throughout 
the region. In the coast lands protection is required against the 



i 5 2 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

sun's rays but not against cold or rain. On the plateau the maxi- 
mum shelter from wind, rain, and snow is sought. In the Yungas 
adequate cover from heavy rain as well as shade have to be 
provided. Generally speaking, therefore, the houses of the coast 
and the Yungas are more frail than those on the plateau; but 
in the Yungas, as well as in the Puna, roofs have to be well 
constructed. Throughout the entire area Indian dwellings with 
few exceptions are of one story, and on the Pacific slope this is 
true of almost all habitations, even in Arequipa, for people live 
in constant and well-founded fear of earthquakes. Arequipa 
provides an exception to the general frailty of structure on the 
Pacific slope because it commands a remarkably fine building 
stone — a volcanic breccia — easily cut and dressed; and many 
of the older houses are beautifully ornamented with carving. 
Additional strength in construction is often obtained by doming 
the roofs and ceilings. In other towns and villages the building 
materials may be adobe, stone if to hand, or simply branches 
plastered with mud. Roofs are thatched with various materials, 
often the desert grasses. The chief change in recent years has 
been the introduction of corrugated iron for roofing and even 
for walls. 

The ruins of Tiahuanaco contain some of the world's finest 
example of masonry. Each of the blocks of hard lava, many of 
them of immense size, has been shaped and smoothed so that it 
fits its neighbors accurately and without mortar. We have seen 
that the architects and builders of this prehistoric city are be- 
lieved to have been Aymaras. It is, therefore, not surprising that 
their descendents still furnish accomplished masons, when re- 
quired, for government structures, although they have lost 
the consummate skill of their ancient forefathers. Their own 
dwellings are solidly built though rude. Where stone is used the 
modern Indian does not take the time to trim the frost-broken 
blocks which are abundant everywhere but uses mud to bind 
them, and in many villages adobe has completely supplemented 
stone (see Figs. 30 and 31). In the Cochabamba district the 
houses are often round in plan. The primitive Chipayas (Urus) 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 153 

north of Lake Coipasa build adobe huts of the beehive pattern, 
with or without a thatch of reeds. The walls everywhere are 
thick; there are few windows, and these are seldom glazed. 
Owing to the scarcity of timber from which boards can be cut, 
a wooden door is a rarity (if we except those made of the split 
stems of cacti), a stretched hide often serving the purpose. On 
the highlands, roofs are thatched with puna grass or reeds, and 
chimneys do not exist. The family spends much of its time 
in the yard — working and cooking there, for warmth normally 
is to be found without, in the sun, rather than within the house. 
About the dwelling there are usually several smaller buildings 
for storage, and also corrals for various animals enclosed by dry 
stone walls. The adobe house is the rule in the towns — even in 
La Paz, but the roofs there are of red, curved tiles. These, 
however, are gradually giving place to the corrugated iron of 
commerce. A striking example of the difficulty of procuring 
wood and iron in highland Bolivia is furnished by the telegraph 
posts which often consist simply of rough pillars of stone or 
adobe or the crooked, slender stems of valley shrubs. Household 
utensils, as is to be expected on the plateau, are the simplest, 
and even these are treasures, so scarce is material — especially 
wood — for their replacement. Llama bones are still largely 
utilized in making household implements. 

In the Yungas, wooden posts and laths form the walls of most 
of the houses, the frame being filled in with banana leaves, ferns, 
or other dried vegetation. In the higher villages, stone is often 
used, or a combination of stone and wood. The houses of the 
whites are frequently two-storied adobe structures with an out- 
side stair. Roofs are always well thatched and have wide eaves 
to carry off the rain. 

Clothing 

The contrast of highland and lowland again is represented in 
the clothing of the inhabitants, cotton in the warm lands, wool 
in the cold highlands. Cotton is native and is still grown and 
woven in the coastal valleys; but the garments of the modern 



154 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Indian are largely cut from the imported article. The need for 
warm clothing on the Andean heights was the main cause for 
the great vicuna hunts carried on throughout the Inca period — 
in which the captured vicunas were usually not killed but were 
shorn and set free. Moreover, the same demand, as well as the 
need for a beast of burden, must have led to the domestication 
of the llama and alpaca and to the early perfection of the hand 
loom. Today the wool of the llama is less used for clothing; and 
indeed the animal is seldom shorn. Sheep, introduced by the 
Spaniards, now furnish wool for the bulk of the clothing, the 
alpaca wool being reserved for the finer garments and for export. 
The wool of the vicuna, which is now very scarce, can be woven 
to give a material as soft as the finest silk. During the Inca 
period vicuna fleeces were reserved for the exclusive use of the 
emperor and his household. While these wools are often dyed, a 
certain amount of design is possible while using only the natural 
wools — the black and white of alpaca, the usual brown or gray 
of llama, and the bright tan of huanaco and vicuna. 

The costume of the plateau Indian is presumably the same 
today as it was before the Conquest: underwear of cotton, brought 
from the hot lands; loose woolen trousers reaching below the 
knee; and, in the case of the women, innumerable petticoats also 
of wool. The feet are bare save for leather sandals. The hat is 
of home-made felt on the plateaus; but in the warm lands this 
is replaced by a wide-brimmed straw hat. The men of the puna 
wear a closely fitting woolen cap under the hat. Fashion demands 
that natives of different localities shall wear hats of different 
pattern. The typical garment of the Puna is the poncho, or cloak, 
which is woven in one piece with square corners and a hole in 
the middle for the head (see Figs. 33 and 35). It is in the color 
and design of this that the inherent art of the plateau Indians 
finds its best expression. The limited vegetation of the puna 
provides a surprisingly large choice of dyes — eighteen such 
plants are known to science in Bolivia, 10 and the women have 
long since mastered the processes of their extraction, as they 

10 Annuario Geogr&fico y Estadistico de la Republica de Bolivia, 1919, p. 21. 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 155 

have the crafts of spinning the wool and weaving it on their 
hand looms. When traveling the Indian as a rule carries ponchos 
of two weights, the lighter to be worn by day, the heavier by 
night. In the forests raw material for the loom is not limited to 
cotton ; for there are a dozen other plants which provide fibers and 
are used for a variety of purposes. 

Health 

Every traveler in the high Andes is struck by the fact that 
while he, in common with the non-Indian inhabitants, suffers 
from mountain sickness, or soroche as it is called in this region, 
the Indians are immune. Most foreigners and the inhabitants 
with Spanish blood become more or less accustomed to life at 
high altitudes; but travelers who have time find it well to stop 
for a period at some station like Arequipa on their way up to the 
plateau, in order that the transition may not make too sudden 
a strain upon the body. It appears that in the thinner atmos- 
phere of the high plateaus the oxygen content of arterial blood 
is lower than at sea level in all individuals — white and Indian 
alike. Apparently, however, the Indian is able to compensate 
for this on account of greater lung capacity. In the case of the 
Aymara this is accompanied by a chest abnormally large in 
height and width which is noticed by so many observers. 

Endemic diseases seem to be few in the Central Andes. Prob- 
ably the most serious of them is that generally known as peste, 
or fiebre amarilla ("yellow fever") which possesses symptoms akin 
to typhus and which breaks out at intervals causing great rav- 
ages among the Indians. The inhabitants of the Yungas valleys 
are subject to the curse of malaria, and while they also possess 
the source of the remedy, they can ill afford the cost of manu- 
factured quinine or neglect its use. Goitre is a prevalent disease, 
and in fighting it the natives have long ago discovered one of the 
antidotes of modern medicine, iodine. The sufferers eagerly 
purchase dried seaweed from the Pacific coast, and it is doubtless 
the iodine contained in this which works the cure. 

Both syphilis and gonorrhea seem to be very ancient diseases 



156 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

in the country, and it has even been suggested that the former 
originated here. The chief reasons given for this are that diseased 
skulls and bones have been found in ancient graves, and that the 
alpaca suffers from a similar if not identical disease. The Indians 
have long treated syphilis with mercury brought from the mines 
of Peru. Since the Conquest the population has been decimated 
from time to time with epidemics such as smallpox, measles, and 
influenza. The plateaus so far have not been stricken with 
tuberculosis, but the Bolivians live in great dread of its intro- 
duction from Chile and Argentina where it exists. 

Reck made an examination of vital statistics for Bolivia in 
1846 and found an interesting variation in the death rate in 
different zones. 11 Thus in the Puna it was lowest, 1.97 per cent; 
in the Valles, 2.38 per cent; and highest in the Yungas, 3.70 
per cent. He also found that there is great danger in childhood 
from birth to the end of the fourth year, five out of every twelve 
children dying before that age; but from then onwards the expec- 
tation of life is high, and there are probably many cases of Indians 
living to over a hundred. 

Transport 

The advantages of exchange must have early become apparent 
to the inhabitants of this region, and especially of the inter- 
change of the commodities of plateau and lowland. The llama, 
then, as the only beast of burden, has been an essential feature 
of Andean economy from a remote period; and throughout the 
plateaus the wealth of the humble Indian may be judged today 
by the number of llamas or other animals which he owns. The 
llama has the great advantage over other beasts of burden that 
it is not subject to mountain sickness {soroche). Moreover, it 
needs only the roughest fodder and little water. Its flesh and 
wool can be utilized, and it is marvelously surefooted on the 
worst trails. But, on the other hand, as compared with animals 
of other lands, the llama does not carry a heavy burden, the 
load varying from 50 to 1 00 pounds. The animal is extremely 

11 Hugo Reck, (6) 1866, p. 304. 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 157 

stubborn, and its pace is slow. Moreover, it is exceptional for a 
llama to live more than twelve years, and in many districts the 
average life period is much shorter. Since the Spanish occupation 
the mule and the ass have been added as carriers, while the ox 
has been introduced as the servant of the plow, an implement 
which itself was unknown before the Conquest. 

More Complex Influences 

With this brief statement of the concrete elements of life in 
the region we may with advantage review more broadly the 
life of the people in the various geographical zones of our region. 

Hitherto we have discussed matters which affect all men alike 
when in a simple state; but to understand how people live today 
we have to bear in mind the complications introduced from time 
to time in their history. In the Andes stress must be laid upon 
two of these — 'the one economic, the other primarily social. The 
first is based upon a geographical fact — the mineral wealth of the 
country. The mining development and its consequences have 
had a far-reaching effect upon the people and the status of their 
countries. The second is not in itself a geographical fact, although 
geography has much to do with its effect in different districts. 
I refer to the peonage system introduced by the Spaniards, with 
some slight background from the Inca regime, by which the bulk 
of the Indian population is to a considerable extent in bondage 
to the whites or the mestizos who are the owners of the land. As 
the mining industry, economically important though it is, 
affects only the smaller proportion of the population we may 
leave it for later treatment and turn to the social basis of agri- 
culture and stock raising. 

Ever since the arrival of the conquistador es, when that portion 
of the land allotted to the service of the Inca and of the sun 
became alienated to the Spaniards there has been a constant 
absorption of land by their successors, white and mestizo. Al- 
most the only land now in the hands of the Indians is that held 
by the communities; and the community Indians are now vir- 
tually the only free Indians in the region. It is they who furnish 



158 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

the carriers of the Andes and the laborers of the mines and the 
railroads. Most of the fishing is in their hands; and the Calla- 
huayas, or traveling herb doctors of the Cordillera Real, are 
community Indians. 12 In fact we have to go to this much- 
reduced class to see the pre-Conquest life of the Aymara and 
other stocks in all its phases. The community lands are now- 
restricted to the least desirable areas from the point of view of 
the white man — to districts off the main routes or with poor 
soil or specially inhospitable climate. 13 

With these exceptions it seems probable that there is no part 
of the region where the land is not claimed by some individual 
or group, and where the inhabitants are dependent upon the 
owners of the estates. This does not mean, however, that these 
Indians are serfs but simply that by law they are bound to give 
some service — mostly in cultivating the owner's land. And it is 
largely due to the conservatism of the Aymara that the law 
based upon long-established custom is maintained. Indeed in 
most cases, at least in highland Bolivia, the landowner would 
not dare to demand more service than custom determines, and 
he generally considers it wise to take the service at the time and 
in the manner ordained by custom. Violation of the custom by 
proprietors is always liable to lead to a revolt of the Indians. 
The estates are of variable size, probably being larger on the 
less productive areas. They are generally distributed in such a 
way that each contains a proportion of land suitable for various 
crops and on the plateau a certain amount of better pasture fit 
for alpacas and a much greater area of poor pasture — mainly 
ichu grass — suitable for llamas and sheep. 

In the agricultural life of the country, then, there are four 
classes involved: the community Indian, who is self-sufficient 
and who ekes out a living derived from primitive agriculture on 
poor fields by fishing, carrying, or hiring his labor to the mines; 
the landed proprietor — of white or mixed blood — who is generally 

12 On these interesting people, whose home is just north of the La Paz area, see 
Gladys M. Wrigley, (144). 

>» On this and other aspectsof land tenure see George McCutchen McBride, (143)- 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 159 

an agriculturist only by proxy, living in a town and visiting his 
finca for the harvest and the sowing; the mayor domo, generally a 
cholo, to whom the proprietor delegates his authority and who 
is in effect master of the farm; and, lastly, the colono, or peon. 
The colonos, or Indians bound to the estates, are by far the most 
numerous class. They receive small patches of land in the estate 
— about three hectares on the average — to be worked for their 
own use, and these in common with the owner's land are reallot- 
ed from time to time. The number of colonos families on each 
estate varies with its size and character; for instance an estate 
of 5,000 hectares near Oruro has sixty families, while on another, 
in the Cochabamba basin, 750 hectares are worked by 150 
families. The price of a farm generally varies according to the 
number of Indians upon it rather than to its extent. The colonos 
remain on the land in case of transfer of ownership. 

Examples of Peasant Life and Utilization of the Land 
We may now examine in greater detail the manner in which 
life is controlled in different situations by the physical environ- 
ment and by the social system of the country. The map (PI. II) 
showing the distribution of different types of land utilization 
will be found to illustrate the examples. 

Let us first consider a typical finca on the Altiplano. It is 
centered round a small alluvial fan at the foot of one of the low 
ridges which rib the plateau. It extends, on the one hand, to the 
banks of the Desaguadero and includes a wide stretch of the 
hills as well as of the pampa between. It is bleak and wind-swept. 
The most sheltered spot is occupied by the houses of the owner — 
rarely occupied by him — and of the mayordomo. About these 
there is a plantation of eucalyptus — the only trees visible on the 
wide landscape. A small church, distinguished from other build- 
ings mainly by its size, stands near the center. It may be used 
as a granary; but at least once a year it is visited by the padre, 
and the entire population comes to service. If the farm be called 
San Antonio, the priest will probably choose St. Anthony's Day 
for his visit. The houses of the colonos are dotted about within 



160 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

a short range of the main farm buildings and enclosures. The 
alluvial fan is the center of things, not because it is capable of 
permanent irrigation — as it would be in a better watered area — 
but because the soil is thicker and because there are permanent 
wells around its margin. Near the Desaguadero and along the 
flat bottom of a wet-weather tributary there are strips of pasture 
of a fairly good quality. Elsewhere on the flat pampa the light 
soil is scarcely concealed on the numerous fallow fields, and the 
fields under crops are rather widely scattered. The hills show 
many outcrops of bare rocks and stony hollows with patches of 
tola bushes, puna grass, and other humbler plants, sometimes 
thick but mostly isolated, giving a speckled appearance to the 
hillside. 

The fields and pasture land of the Indians are not distinguish- 
able from those of the patron, save that they do not occupy the 
best land. The limits of the finca are not clearly marked on the 
ground except on the good land, where a rough stone wall is the 
boundary. Heaps of stones gathered from the fields dot the 
pampa, and these are often placed at the corners of fields. 

Each family knows exactly what is expected of it by the pro- 
prietor. Two days in every week they must work on his fields 
bringing with them their own oxen for plowing (see Fig. 32). 
Moreover, each year the group as a whole has to designate one 
or two of their number as herdsmen as well as to maintain for 
the master a house servant (pongo) — in this case probably in 
La Paz — who is changed each week. They also deliver to his house 
so many loads of fuel, tola shrubs or taquia (dried llama dung). 

Throughout the year a few men find a continuous occupation 
in herding the sheep and alpacas. In this case the latter are 
owned only by the master, for the area of short, green grass 
required by alpacas is small, and the Indians are not allowed to 
use this pasture. In the summer at a convenient week the flocks 
will be corralled and shorn, and the Indians, after keeping what 
they need of the wool, will carry the remainder of their own 
share as well as all of the patr6n's to the market at La Paz or 
Huaqui, using their own asses or llamas. 



K 










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.«M>> 




«• 







it. 



J'd fc 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 161 

The average temperature of the soil here is low, and its recov- 
ery after cropping is slow; so the fields lie fallow — in some cases 
as much as twelve years — before recultivating, the weeds which 
spring up being used as pasture. In such land manure is very 
valuable, and every particle of dung and ashes which can be 
gathered after the fuel has been provided for is put upon the 
fields to be cultivated. But in this farm they must use much 
taquia as fuel, for both tola and yareta are scarce or their sources 
distant, and they grow very slowly. 

• Winter is the slack time, when clothing and implements are 
made in the cottages, while the patr6n takes advantage of it to 
have ditches dug, or building and other odd jobs done. But when 
the spring rains begin in September or October all get busy with 
the sowing of quinoa and the planting of early potatoes and ocas. 
With all of these crops the farmer need have no fear of damage 
from frost, for they are natives of the Puna, and most of the 
many Andean varieties of potato are also remarkably immune 
from pests. About November other varieties of potato are put 
in to give a later harvest. With the human food supply for the 
year thus provided for, the Indian thinks of his beasts. We 
have seen that pasture here is poor and thin. The owner may 
have taken care to have part of his moist land sown with alfalfa 
which will meet most of his requirements. But for the Indians 
another crop must be sought, and it is found in barley. This 
cereal will ripen only in sheltered spots near Lake Titicaca, but 
if sown before the height of the summer rains it may be cut 
while green in the autumn for fodder purposes. This crop is 
scarcely sown when the first potato harvest is at hand. The 
owner's crop has to be carried to market, but most of the workers' 
yield is turned over to the women who are occupied as oppor- 
tunity offers with the preparation of chuno, which takes two or 
three weeks. The potatoes are first put out to be frozen through, 
and thereafter in turn are tramped with the feet in water, dried 
in the sun and again tramped in water to remove the skin. The 
starchy product will then keep for years. 

There follow in quick succession in the autumn a second 



1 62 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

potato harvest and the cutting of the fodder barley and the 
quinoa — generally in May. The quinoa is cut just before it is 
fully ripe to prevent loss of the grain. The heads are threshed 
by primitive flails and winnowed by throwing in the air. The 
conclusion of the agricultural year is the plowing carried out 
shortly before the sowing, by which soil is merely scratched to 
the depth of a few inches by the ancient wooden plow of Spain 
with or without an iron tip. Such is the annual routine, but there 
are notable interruptions to all work at the fiestas as well as 
after the principal harvests. When occupied with digging pota- 
toes every one is notably happy, and much jollification takes 
place. The chief religious festivals are celebrated by the entire 
population. Attendance at mass in the village is merely an 
incident preceding traditional revels which include dances of 
pre-Christian origin, in which the dancers wear masks and gaudy 
trappings of skins and feathers. Dances and drinking bouts 
alternate and are kept up for an entire week in the case of the 
greater occasions such as the carnaval, thus putting a complete 
stop to the autumn labor, important though it is. That this 
traditional and spasmodic drunkenness is so important and 
universal a feature of the high Andes may be due to the rigor 
of the climate and extreme monotony of life. The visits to the 
market furnish opportunity for the purchase or bartering of 
alcohol or more commonly aguardiente from the Yungas or 
coast, as well as of coca which the Indian chews more or less as 
other men smoke tobacco, so that every family is well stocked 
with stimulants when the fiesta breaks out. 

The type of life on the fincas throughout the Altiplano varies 
but little from that described. These farms are widely scattered 
over most of the plateau and cluster more closely where there is 
better soil and a more certain supply of water or a milder climate. 
On Plate II this feature has been shown by distinguishing be- 
tween the main area described as "pasture with intermittent 
agriculture" and a number of smaller patches of "agriculture 
more or less permanent." This means that in the agricultural 
fringe round Titicaca and along the piedmont of the eastern 






















•»•*, 








h 




POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 163 

Cordillera fields are closer together, and a smaller proportion of 
them are fallow at one time than out on the plateau. Moreover, 
on the alluvial fans east of Lake Poop6 a limited area is under 
irrigation at least for part of the year, and this of course renders 
the land more valuable. In the La Paz sheet it has not been 
possible always to distinguish fincas from villages; and, further- 
more, it is probable that many of the smaller farms are not 
located. 

The village of the plateau is for the most part the domain of 
the cholo who is engaged in trade, and the number of them who 
live there as a rule is small, though such villages often present 
an animated scene owing to the presence of Indian visitors from 
the surrounding farms, particularly on market days or at reli- 
gious celebrations. 

The slopes of the hills about Lake Titicaca and the Altiplano 
as well as the ridges which rise from the plateau are marked in 
many places by parallel terraces known as andenes (see Fig. 34). 
These are clearly artificial and have been made to retain the 
soil and facilitate the cultivation of steep slopes. But they are 
now almost entirely abandoned; and this fact has often been 
quoted as evidence that the population of the Central Andes 
was formerly much greater, the decrease usually being attributed 
to diminished rainfall. But it would appear unnecessary to 
postulate any such climatic change to explain abandoned 
andenes. The modern development of mines, railroads, and towns 
has drawn large numbers of the Indians from the fields, and the 
hillside farms would be the first to be deserted, since the main- 
tenance of the terraces demanded considerable labor. Further- 
more, much of the land passing from small to large owners has 
been found to give better results when devoted to pasture. 

Plate II shows a large proportion of land under irrigation in 
the high valleys of the western Cordillera, much of it over 4,000 
meters in altitude. The information upon which most of this is 
based was derived from the Chilean boundary surveys, and 
while the representation is presumably accurate in extent it 
may be somewhat misleading if we fail to remember the altitude. 



164 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

The population density in these mountains is low, but the flocks 
are large, and the colored areas on the map for the most part do 
not represent irrigated crops, but rather pasture improved, in 
part artificially, by waters from the melting snows of the high 
peaks. An interesting example of this type of land has come to 
light. 14 The small group of Chipayas — or Urus — living north of 
Lake Coipasa have developed an industry called forth by the 
demands for lard by the nitrate workers of the coastal pampas. 
The Chipayas, by damming the Lauca River, have made suf- 
ficient pasture to feed herds of swine; and from these they obtain 
the lard which they carry down to the coast for sale. There 
appear to be numerous community Indians in this Cordillera, 
and information is lacking as to the extent of occupation by 
Chilean landowners. Probably the grazing limits of the various 
proprietors and communities are more fluid here than anywhere 
else in the region. Even the international boundary is frequently 
disregarded by the shepherds of the Bolivian side, who are 
naturally tempted by the greener hollows to the west. A con- 
siderable amount of seasonal movement of flocks takes place 
between the high pastures and the lower valleys on the Chilean 
side, but here again exact data are lacking. Cattle are kept in 
small numbers about Lake Titicaca, and an important source of 
food for these is the aquatic weed growing in the shallow water. 
Through long habit of diving for their dinner these animals 
have become almost amphibian, and they spend much of their 
time in the water. 

The annual round of the community Indians on the Altiplano 
is more varied than that of the colonos. As has been pointed out 
the free Indian's life today approximates much more nearly to 
that of the pre-Conquest Aymaras than does that of their peon 
brethren. The agricultural year makes the same demand in both 
cases, but the free Indian has time to make use of other oppor- 
tunities of gaining a livelihood. There are the chinchilla, 
viscacha, and vicuna to be hunted; and in this they display 
infinite patience, for when they have carried the skins down to 

M Arthur Posnansky, (119). 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 165 

Tacna, Arequipa, Puno, or La Paz they will receive payment 
which to them is almost a king's ransom. There is fish to be 
caught fn Lake Titicaca, and here their community organiza- 
tion comes into play; for the most effectual method demands 
the collaboration of a number of boats dragging a net between 
them. But fishing from individual boats is also carried on, both 
the net and the spear being used. The scarcity of wood on the 
plateau is evident from the nature of the Titicaca fishing boats, 
or balsas, built, save for the mast, entirely of reeds bound to- 
gether, and the sails are likewise made of reeds woven like a 
mat (see Fig. 35). Fishing with the spear is carried on in shallow 
water, the boat being propelled by a long pole. The wood for 
these and for the masts is brought from the Yungas. The fisher- 
men of the Pacific coast also employ the reed balsa propelled by 
paddles, and examples still exist there of the floats in common 
use at the time of the Conquest made of inflated sea-lion skins, 
which the fisherman bestrides. But the wooden fishing boat of 
Mediterranean type has been generally employed since the 
Spaniards settled on the coast; and, while even this is too primi- 
tive a craft with which to develop an up-to-date fishing indus- 
try commensurate with the immense supply, yet it is much more 
useful than the balsa. These boats are now also constructed on 
Lake Titicaca from imported boards. On Titicaca there are no 
better practical meteorologists than the fishermen. They are 
accustomed to predict breezes which will take their boats out 
in the evening and bring them back in the morning in time to get 
their catch to market in La Paz the same evening. 

The community Indians of the southern Altiplano can occupy 
the winter months in gathering salt from the great salars, pack- 
ing it on their beasts, and hawking it round the country. Every- 
where there is the demand for fuel, the taquia of the farms and 
vicinity is often insufficient, and the best growth of the resinous 
yareta is generally far from the settlements and at higher and 
higher elevations. It is the free Indians who gather and sell it, 
incidentally pulling it up by the roots and so preventing its 
spread. The arriero, as the carrying Indian is called, is a feature 



166 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

of the landscape on every road and trail, never riding but leading 
or driving his little caravan of llamas, asses, and occasionally 
mules. He is indispensable to trade, and till within the last few- 
years he was essential to the export of minerals. It is to the 
Indian community that the mine agent, the railway engineer, 
and the public works officer must go for their laborers, since the 
colonos are not available. And this means frequently a tem- 
porary draining of population from long distances. 

In the districts more favored climatically than the plateaus 
and Cordilleras — the Cabezas del Valle, the Medio Valle, the 
Yungas, and the coastal valleys — life differs in many respects. 
In the first place, of community Indians there are none; the land 
is too valuable. There are, it is true, in some parts — in the Cocha- 
bamba basin for example — other free Indians engaged in agri- 
culture who farm their own land. But, generally speaking, these 
regions are occupied by valuable fincas worked by numerous 
colonos. Secondly, since the climate permits the cultivation of 
a much greater variety of crops, agricultural operations are more 
complicated; and, while modern machinery and implements are 
still rare, the more numerous alternative crops present oppor- 
tunity for development of greater agricultural skill than in the 
zones of the Puna and the Puna Brava. It is noteworthy that 
the most accomplished farmers are often found amongst these 
peasant proprietors, a fact which recalls the dictum of Arthur 
Young in 1789 when visiting peasant farms — then rare — in 
France, "the magic of property turns sand into gold." In the 
coastal valleys irrigation is essential, and it is greatly valued in 
the valley heads of the Eastern Cordillera; so that in both regions 
a new complication is introduced in the distribution of water; 
and water rights are a constant source of broken heads and of 
litigation. 

In the zone of the Medio Valle is found the densest agricultural 
population of the area — about Cochabamba and Arequipa (see 
Fig. 3 d )- To illustrate the valuable nature of this land with its 
fine alluvial soil and sufficient water we may note the composi- 
tion of a typical farm near Luribay in the deep basin below the 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 167 

Quimsa Cruz Cordillera and at about 2,700 meters altitude. 
The farm evidently includes some hill pasture, for it supports 
a flock of 600 sheep; but its real value rests upon ten hectares of 
grapevines for wine and a ten-hectare orchard containing 1,000 
fig trees, 2,000 pear trees, and 800 trees of apple, peach, and 
that most luscious of all Andean fruits — the cherimoya. In 
addition, there are five hectares in alfalfa or other pasture 
supporting six cows, four oxen, and twenty-two horses, asses, 
and mules. This farm is worked by 101 families of colonos. 18 
The majority of the fincas have a smaller proportion of fruit 
land and many fields of cereals; for not only does barley always 
ripen at these altitudes, but wheat, oats, and maize are grown, 
as well as large quantities of beans and alfalfa. 

Another feature of this fine agricultural zone is the possibility 
of obtaining by irrigation several harvests of alfalfa, as well as 
reaping two different crops in the same year. For instance beans 
will be sown in May and reaped in July (midwinter), and then 
by immediate plowing and sowing in August or September a 
good crop of maize, grown under the summer rains, will be 
harvested in May. In the Cochabamba basin the irrigated land 
is mostly under maize, and the best crops come from the fields 
watered by streams carrying much silt. In such places the grain 
will yield as much as two hundred fold as compared with the 
forty fold return on unirrigated land. Moreover, no manure and 
no fallow time are needed on such land. The greater part of the 
unirrigated fields produce wheat and barley, the wheat giving a 
tenfold yield, the barley somewhat more. The ground as a rule 
is not manured and lies fallow for only two years. 

In the Pampa of Arequipa, which is lower than the Cocha- 
bamba basin, the crops are similar; and there is a noticeable 
response to local climatic differences in the higher yield of crops, 
especially of maize, in the lower and more sheltered district of 
Tiabaya as compared with the environs of Arequipa. Similarly 
the colder winter of the higher section accounts for a difference 
of from two to three months in the time of plowing and sowing 

15 Karl Kaerger, (141), Vol. 2, p. 311. 



1 68 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 




3Q 



£ 4) 

S E 

3 O 



wheat and barley. Manuring 
is much more prevalent about 
Arequipa than at Cocha- 
bamba, and the Peruvian 
district has the advantage of 
being able to procure cheaply 
the guano of the coast. 

The map on the scale 
1:1,000,000 is rather too 
small to bring out clearly the 
real nature of habitable land 
in the Yungas; but study of 
Figure 37 will reveal the fact 
that valley floors are of very 
limited extent and that the 
wealth of the region is derived 
from the slopes. Moreover, 
this drawing, made from a 
photograph unfortunately too 
large for reproduction here, 
demonstrates better than any 
description the importance 
of the altitudinal zone in the 
Eastern Cordillera. The vil- 
lage in the foreground is 
Coroico, and we are looking 
westward towards the Cor- 
dillera Real. The summits of 
the range are hidden by 
clouds, and the even crest 
lines of the background 
represent remnants of the 
ancient peneplane surface ly- 
ing to the east of the snowy 
peaks. The highest visible 
point is about 3,600 meters in 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 169 

altitude. Coroico is at 1,725 meters, and the stream is runningsome 
700 meters below it. Perhaps the most striking feature of the view 
is the upper limit of terrace cultivation following almost with pre- 
cision a contour line as far as the eye can reach. The level of 
this is about 2,000 meters, and nearly up to this height every- 
where the close-packed fields are coca plantations like those in 
the foreground. This land has once been forested, and we may 
note that timber still remains above the zone, climbing to the 
top of the nearest ridge but concealed by distance in the farther 
valleys. The upper Montana was probably never so dense here 
as at similar levels on the outer slopes behind us, for the valleys 
in view form a rather sheltered basin. 

This, then, is the coca belt of the Yungas, which represents 
the chief wealth of the Atlantic slope of the Andes. It winds 
about in the valleys and is more or less continuous from southern 
Peru to the Yungas of Cochabamba east of the map limit, never 
varying far from the altitudinal limits illustrated in the figure. 
The zone, however, is not everywhere so intensively cultivated 
as it is here, and the coca production is of distinctly smaller 
importance south of the La Paz-Bopi River, the chief centers of 
the industry being Coroica, Chulumani, and Irupana. 

The climatic requirements of coca — warmth and moisture 
with a cloud shield from a blazing sun — are also those of coffee, 
and the two cultures are associated ; but by far the greater area 
in the belt is under coca, and the coffee bushes are planted largely 
in hedges between the coca fields and along the paths. When the 
traveler, making his first descent to the Yungas, thinks of the 
immense benefit which the human race derives from the cocaines, 
extracted from the leaf of Erythroxylon coca, his journey becomes 
in a sense a pilgrimage to the birthplace of the precious drug; and, 
moreover, he can recall that the same zone is the home of the 
cinchona tree, whose bark provides another alkaloid and an 
equal treasure to mankind — quinine. 

It happens, however, that the Yungas of Bolivia are no longer 
of first importance to the world in furnishing these precious 
remedies, for both plants have been introduced to southern 



170 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Asia, which now yields the greater proportion of the drugs. But 
coca is an essential to the life of the entire native population of 
our region, not as an anaesthetic but as a stimulant. The dried 
leaves have been a leading staple of internal trade since prehis- 
toric times. No Indian will work or travel without his ration of 
coca, which he mingles with ashes of the quinoa and chews 
systematically three or four times a day. His nervous system is 
adjusted to this practice, and he cannot do without it. While the 
effect is primarily stimulating, the coca dulls the sensation of 
hunger. 

In the coca belt we have an exception to the rule that free 
Indians do not occupy the valuable land. The bulk of the harvest 
is reaped by Indians who cultivate their own land ; but the best 
quality of leaf is produced on the haciendas. In the view from 
Coroico we are struck by the paucity of isolated dwellings. Most 
of the workers are grouped in the village. We may note also the 
groups of trees scattered amongst the fields on the slopes. Some 
of these are merely original forest trees left for shade; but most 
of them are fruit trees, largely orange and cherimoya. 

The Yungas Indian, then, is occupied throughout the year 
with his coca, his coffee, and his fruit — all of which when ready 
he will sell to the middlemen in the market of his village for 
export to the highland or beyond. To maize, sweet potato, beans, 
and other vegetables he devotes just sufficient land and time to 
supply his own limited needs. Although the Yungas are always 
moist, there is a seasonal rhythm in the agricultural year, for 
irrigation is not practiced, and the preparations of new planta- 
tions as well as the biggest harvests of the mature bushes take 
place during the heavier rains of the summer. The seed for a 
new coca field is sown in November in beds and covered with a 
layer of grass. Then as the plants spring up a low shade canopy 
of grass or banana leaves is raised over them. At the end of a 
year the foot-high plants are ready for planting out in the deep 
trenches of the field, and another year must elapse before the 
first harvest can be made. The life of a plantation (cocal) is 
from twenty years in the warmer parts to forty in the cooler 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 171 

parts of the belt. The leaves are picked from three to four times 
a year, and female labor is the rule. The two big harvests are 
early and late in the rainy season, in November — Mita de Santos 
(All Saints) — and March. In June comes the third — Mita de 
San Juan, and, if the winter rains are plentiful, a fourth between 
June and November. 

Similar preparations are necessary in planting coffee, but three 
or four years elapse before a yield. The three harvests fall, with 
some variation, respectively in October or November, January 
to March and May to July — the last being the heaviest. Coffee 
picking as a rule does not clash with the coca harvest. The drying 
of coca leaves and coffee berries alike is carried out on the stone- 
paved seccador. The Yungas coffee, which is famous for its 
aroma, is exported with the parchment covering still on the bean. 

The above description of life in the coca belt accounts for the 
life of the largest number of people in our area east of the Alti- 
plano. But both above and below this zone men live and in 
entirely different conditions. In a belt limited below by the coca 
fields and above by the talus slopes of the mountain core there 
are widely scattered haciendas, most of them centered on the 
narrow alluvial playas of the valley, but some of them on the 
flat-topped spurs high above the rivers. A little agriculture is 
practiced about these — maize and the temperate fruits in the 
valleys; barley, potatoes, and quinoa on the high spurs. But the 
belt is chiefly known for its cattle pastures. Where the forest 
thins out and above that on all the gentle slopes the grass is 
thick and good. The herds are small, and they graze untended 
where the topography limits their range naturally. This zone is 
one of the two sources of draft oxen and of beef, the other being 
the clearings and possibly also natural savana country of the 
hot lowlands. Where the natural forest — the upper Montana — 
still exists, as it does almost everywhere south of the La Paz- 
Bopi River, it is the haunt of the cinchona gatherers. These 
Indians live a hard life in the dense forest. The best trees are 
found in the valleys between 2,000 and 3,000 meters altitude. All 
the bark which they cut they must transport on their own backs. 



172 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

The remaining area to be mentioned lies below the coca belt. 
It is naturally forest, and the scattered population is grouped 
round isolated plantations or missions along the rivers. It is 
the upper limit of the Montana, the forest whose natural re- 
sources of timber are scarcely tapped and where the rubber pain- 
fully gathered by the miserable cascarilleros has now but small 
importance in face of scientific cultivation elsewhere and of the 
enormous difficulties of export. On the farms, which are situated 
on the playas, or flat strips on the river banks, the patr6n is the 
master of his colonos in a much more absolute sense than on the 
plateau. The finca is here a plantation in the accepted sense. 
Cacao and sugar cane are the main crops of the patr6n. The 
products of these are easy of export either separately or mixed, 
as chocolate. Moreover, the patr6n operates his own distillery 
and finds in alcohol his most remunerative commodity. In 
addition to these crops all the tropical fruits, including the pine- 
apple and various bananas, grow with the minimum of cultiva- 
tion ; and the natives themselves need put very little energy into 
supplementing these by other food crops such as yuca and sweet 
potato. 

In early chapters we have learned to appreciate a number of 
physical causes for the restricted nature of cultivated land near 
the Pacific coast. Topography, soil, and climate combine to 
limit agriculture to the narrow strips of the valley oases. Since 
the river water is the life blood of these, it follows that success 
or failure in raising crops depends upon its even distribution on 
the land ; and here again physical conditions are modified by the 
historical circumstances of its occupation. It has been a case of 
first come, best served. The irrigable land is held almost entirely 
by hacendados, only the higher valleys remaining in the hands 
of Indian communities; and, since the first grants were naturally 
made for the lands nearest to the source of water, the proprietors 
with the longest line of landholding ancestors are often in effect 
the masters of the valley, the water rights of estates lower down 
being usually much less valuable. Recent changes have certainly 
been in the direction of equity in this matter; but it would appear 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 173 

that the irrigable land as a whole could be made more productive 
if the interests of all were considered equally. The valley oases 
within the limits of our sheet are farmed almost entirely by 
Peruvian or Chilean landholders; and it would seem that with 
the limited amount of water and of initiative at their disposal 
the population is sufficient to provide the requisite labor. It may 
be noted, however, in passing that such is not the case in the 
Peruvian oases farther north where many foreign proprietors, 
in striving to develop the land to its maximum capacity, have 
constantly been thwarted by lack of hands and have made 
various attempts to introduce foreign labor such as coolies from 
China. In our own area we have seen that there is a marked 
strain of negro blood in the coastal valleys, derived from the 
numerous African slaves introduced by the early Spaniards to 
work their newly settled land. Agriculture in the valleys in 
Tacna and Arica has labored under a further disadvantage in 
the last half-century — the uncertainty of the political future of 
the two departments. 

Temperature is always sufficiently high to produce the crops 
of the coast; but the water comes in its full measure only when 
the rivers are filled by the summer rains on the Cordillera, so 
that the seasonal distribution of work in most of the oases is not 
very different from that in other parts of the country; although 
the crops in most respects are those characteristic of the Medi- 
terranean, where they depend upon winter rains. But there is 
another point of similarity which may be mentioned. Many of 
the coastal farmers own cattle, and it is in the winter — as in the 
Mediterranean — that these are driven to the valuable if fugitive 
pastures of the Lomas. The most favored areas, however, such 
as the lower Tambo valley, can command water at all seasons, 
and here we find sugar cane in quantity. 

These coastal oases serve as the garden of Bolivia and northern 
Chile, and agriculture is perhaps more varied than elsewhere in 
the region on account of the production of the numerous Medi- 
terranean crops. Thus there are the olives to pick and press, 
olive oil to can and export, vines to tend, grapes to pick, and wine 



174 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

to make — much prized despite a flavor described as "foxy" or 
"mousey." The Bolivian Indian would almost as soon go without 
his coca as his universal seasoning of aji — known to the world 
as chili or red pepper; and the coastal valleys annually send 
several hundred tons of these to the plateau. The Chilean nitrate 
workers are without local food supplies for man or beast save 
for the small production in the canchones described below. A 
proportion of the meat can be obtained from the herds above- 
mentioned. Hay and alfalfa are raised in the oases in quantities 
for export as dried forage. Likewise vegetables and fruits of all 
sorts are produced, and the coastal farmers have an ever ready 
and increasing market for these in the ships which call to pro- 
vision at Arica. 

Maize is the chief food staple of the Indians in the valleys 
themselves, and in point of production it is probably the most 
important crop. But wheat and barley are also grown for home 
use, the grain being roasted and ground to meal by hand. The 
farmers of the valleys are very careful in the use of the precious 
irrigation water. For instance, where aji is the chief crop the 
soil is raised about the edges of the beds, and wheat or barley 
is sown on the embankments in clumps about a meter apart. 
This holds the bank together and helps to keep the water on the 
aji beds. The cold coastal water is probably responsible for the 
fact that the southern limit of true tropical products lies in our 
area and not farther south. Cotton is not cultivated with suc- 
cess south of the oasis of lea in Peru, and no Egyptian cotton at 
all is raised in our area. Sugar cane, however, thrives where the 
water is sufficient, and a large part of the alluvial Tambo valley 
and delta is occupied by cane plantations. The contrast of arid 
desert slopes and wide verdant flats is here most striking. The 
eye is further attracted by the lines of poplar trees along the 
ditches between the fields. These trees, however, can have no 
good effect upon the yield of the sun-loving cane. The plants 
need two years to come to maturity and may then be cut twice 
where the soil is shallow and from three to five times on the 
deeper alluvium nearer the mouth, the harvest taking place 



Plate H 




Plate IT 




Kilometr 




Scale l»2,ooo,ooo 


Se.^, 


,<, 1 


10 ,,, ID .0 *, »o 


igill.mil.. 


,0 s 


o to »° »0 J" » >" 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 175 

between August and December. The bulk of the cane in these 
valleys is devoted to the production of alcohol, which, as we have 
seen, is in great demand throughout the country and especially 
on the plateau. Sugar extraction, when carried out locally, is 
primitive, there being no separation of the crystalline and 
colloidal materials. The solidified mass (chancaca) is exported in 
cakes. 

Where the soil is salt but yet is not far from the water table, 
as is the case in parts of the Pampa del Tamarugal, a remarkable 
form of cultivation has long been carried on. The superficial 
saline layer is removed and built up in long banks known as 
canchones, set at right angles to each other. The intervening 
spaces are now fit for cultivation, the hollows being sufficiently 
deep to allow roots to penetrate to the ground water, or perhaps 
to allow the water to reach the roots by capillarity, while the 
banks serve as a protection against wind and reduce evaporation. 
Vegetables or wheat and even trees such as a mesquite (Prosopis 
dulcis) are sown in separate holes. As they sprout the plants are 
surrounded with good earth, and while they are still small they 
are protected by individual shelters. 

Mining 

We have so far omitted to deal with an important element in 
the life of the region and especially of the Puna. Throughout 
the century following the Conquest every Spaniard was a pros- 
pector, and individuals obtained valuable mining concessions 
subject to the payment of a fifth to the royal treasury. For the 
working of the mines the government established the system of 
forced labor (repartimientos and mitas) by which concessionaries 
were allowed to impress the Indian laborers, many of whom were 
already skilled in mining. The great initial prosperity of mining 
came to an end when silver fell in value and also became more 
difficult to extract. But the increasing value of tin in the nine- 
teenth century led to a great recrudescence of the industry 
helped by foreign capital. The mines today are nearly all in 
the hands of foreign companies or of a few Bolivian individuals. 



176 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

While the foreign companies are mainly European and North 
American, there is an important and growing Chilean interest 
in Bolivian mines, especially at Corocoro and Llallagua. The 
population about a mine consists, as a rule, of a small number of 
white engineers, a larger number of cholo overseers, who live 
with their families, and the much larger number of Indian miners. 
The latter, as pointed out, are free Indians drawn from the old 
communities. Some of them have settled in the district, espe- 
cially where the mines are long established; and these have with 
them their wives and families who often cultivate a little land 
near the mine, generally with poor results, since the mines are 
mostly situated at high altitudes. But the great bulk of the 
miners are transitory, the Indians engaging voluntarily in many 
cases but leaving their community only for a period of months. 
Where located far from centers of population it is so difficult 
for mine owners to obtain the necessary hands that they some- 
times adopt methods which are far from being above criticism. 
The revels of the fiestas are favorite occasions for the visits of the 
cholo mine agents to the communities. Liquor is flowing freely, 
and it is easier to persuade the Indian to agree to serve then than 
at other times. A large advance of money — promptly spent on 
drink — clinches the bargain, and the Indian when sober becomes 
the slave of the mine, to remain so until his debt is paid off. 

Of the total population of the province of Tarapaca, given 
in the census of 1907 as 110,000, 23,000 were Peruvians, and 
12,000 were Bolivians. A large proportion of these were un- 
doubtedly workers in the nitrate fields, so that we have to note 
an important movement of Indians from the plateaus to the 
coast for mining purposes. Many of these are engaged by con- 
tract; and, taking their families with them, they remain for long 
periods. Others come down with caravans and take service for 
a few months before returning to their homes. 

Movement 

Figure 38 consists of three sketch maps, showing approximately 
the relative importance of traffic routes in the area at different 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 177 

periods, and a fourth map on which are indicated the dates of 
construction of the various railways. On maps A, C, and D the 
thickness of the lines mark in a general manner a grading of 
the amount of traffic on the routes; and such lines are to be 
compared only with other lines on the same map. On map A, 
illustrating conditions in the colonial period, all of the lines, of 
course, indicate pack roads. On maps C and D only the most 
important of these and of the coach roads are shown, the majority 
of them being feeders of the railways. 

In prehistoric times prior to the rise of the Inca dynasty it 
would appear that Tiahuanaco was the kernel of the whole puna 
region of South America. It was a large city whose inhabitants 
could not have been fed by the immediate neighborhood, evi- 
dently a center of government supported by tribute from distant 
provinces, like Rome at the height of its splendor. With the 
decay of Tiahuanaco and the rise of the Inca capital at Cuzco 
the center of gravity in the Puna shifted north of our area, and 
arteries of communication developed, leading from the heart of 
empire to the outer marches which lay well beyond the La Paz 
area. Throughout the Inca period, then, the maximum move- 
ment of people must have been along roads following .the north- 
south trend of the Puna, with branches to the coast lands by 
Arequipa, to the Yungas by La Paz, and to the eastern Andes 
by Cochabamba. 

The Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru was governed from Lima, 
and the same roads which served the Incas became the means of 
interchange between the various mountain provinces of the new 
state. But the Spaniards sailed upon the sea and so developed 
ports, Quilca, at the mouth of the Rio Vitor, to serve Arequipa ; 
lea, by which some of the coastal valleys were tapped ; and Arica, 
as the main point of access to the Altiplano. Moreover the 
Spaniards occupied Chile, far beyond the domain of the Inca; 
and, since it often took twelve months to reach the Chilean settle- 
ments against adverse winds and currents, they developed the 
desert road along the foot of the Cordillera. The great mining 
activity of the early Spaniards caused them to seek an outlet 



178 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 




POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 179 

for their minerals. Arica, the first accessible port north of the 
Atacama desert, was the obvious goal; and so there developed 
a great fan-shaped concentration on this port reaching out to 
the eastern Andes as far south as Potosi. A considerable pro- 
portion of the Potosi silver, however, went southwestward to 
the port of Cobija. 

Such were the main currents of movement up to the time of 
railroad development; and, since the Indian population is not 
yet given to railway travel, it may be said that the old roads 
still have great though somewhat lessened importance. Let us 
examine in more detail the location of these. 

Of the longitudinal routes by far the most important is that 
leading from Puno in Peru, following the west shore of Titicaca, 
crossing the Desaguadero by a bridge at its source, and thence 
leading by Viacha, with a branch to La Paz, along the foot of the 
eastern ridges and Cordillera. At Paria this road divides, one 
branch continuing southwards by Oruro and the other leading 
over the hills to Cochabamba. The southward road splits at 
Rio Mulato, as does the modern railway, its branches leading 
respectively to Potosi and Sucre and to the Argentine border 
via Uyuni and Tupiza, both beyond our limit. 

From Paria to Cochabamba the easier route now followed by 
the railway provided for normal traffic while a hill road, passing 
through Tapacari, comes into more general use during the wet 
weather when the Arque River causes obstruction on the lower 
road. Beyond Cochabamba the main road passes eastwards into 
the basin of Cliza and so, by a gradual descent, to Santa Cruz 
at the eastern foot of the Andes. 

Prior to railroad construction the mineral output from the 
southeastern part of our area found its way to Arica by a caravan 
trail which strikes west-southwest from Oruro across the plateau 
and then, after passing through the pastures about the upper 
Lauca River, descends either by the Lluta or Azapa valleys to 
the coast. Of the trans-Cordillera roads, however, the one which 
has been of most constant importance is that which leads from 
the town of Tacna northeastward and succeeds in maintaining 



180 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

an almost straight course to La Paz, striking the upper Mauri 
River and then keeping to the higher ground north of it, and 
crossing the Desaguadero at Nazacara. The direct road from 
Arequipa to the Puna finds fairly easy gradients by passing east- 
ward over the Pampa de Salinas and then northeastward over 
the high plateaus to Puno on Titicaca. La Paz has always been 
the main starting point for the Bolivian Yungas. The bulk of 
the through traffic which moves along the eastern shore of 
Titicaca is going to or from Sorata, the collecting point in the 
northern Yungas, and an even more important traffic is main- 
tained on the road over the pass at Rinconada and thence down 
either to Coroico or Chulumani. An observer has counted 1, 600 
laden animals making their way up from Yungas on this road in 
one day, and that not the chief market day of La Paz. 

The traffic from Arequipa to the coast formerly went down the 
Vitor valley to its mouth where Quilca was long maintained as 
the port of Arequipa. But since the railroad was built Mollendo 
has become the port, and the Vitor road has lost in importance. 
The position of the desert road, followed during the conquest of 
Chile by Almagro on his return and by Valdivia on his outward 
march, is determined by the points at which limited supplies of 
food, water, and fodder can be obtained. It therefore passes 
over the piedmont from oasis to oasis, keeping as near to the 
edge of the desert as is possible without climbing far on the 
slopes of the mountains. This route is said to have been in con- 
stant use by the Spaniards up to the time when the ocean sailing 
track — as opposed to the coastwise course — was discovered 
early in the eighteenth century. These were the chief avenues of 
movement up to the period of railroad construction. Other 
routes are either of purely local importance or serve as tribu- 
taries to these main arteries. 

The term "road" has been used in the above description as 
well as in the legend printed on the La Paz sheet. It cannot be 
too strongly emphasized, however, that roads in this area are 
not like those of more progressive parts of the world. So far as 
has been ascertained, there is but one metalled road within the 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 181 

sheet area, and that has been built by a mining company to 
bring their ores from the Caracoles and other mines in the 
Quimsa Cruz Cordillera over the Abra de Tres Cruces and down 
to the railway at Eucalyptus. Elsewhere on the sheet the symbol 
for a "coach road" where shown implies that passenger or mail 
coaches and other wheeled vehicles, such as occasional auto- 
mobiles, use them or have used them in recent years. It does 
not imply that the surface is maintained or that streams are all 
bridged; but the roads are kept in repair and graded in many 
places — especially where cut along a mountain slope to avoid 
the washouts which damage roads at lower levels. On the other 
hand, the symbol used for "pack roads, trails, and paths" includes 
routes of all qualities, from the trail linking villages on the 
Altiplano which are often difficult to distinguish from the pampa 
on either side to the main pack roads of the mountains, such as 
that from La Paz to Chulumani, upon which an immense amount 
of labor and money has been spent in cutting, embanking, paving, 
and bridging. In Bolivia it is such caminos de herradura that are 
the chief concern of the Department of Public Works. 

Railways 

The Revolution led to increased interest in this region on the 
part of foreigners, and it is only natural that the first railway 
construction took place in the most accessible part — the coast 
lands. The line from Moquegua to its port of Ilo was opened in 
1873 to serve for the export of the products of the Moquegua 
valley — largely wine and brandy. This railroad, however, was 
destroyed in the War of the Pacific and was not rebuilt until 
1907. Another and more important result of the introduction of 
foreign capital was the development of the nitrate industry 
with the foundation of the port of Pisagua (see Fig. 1) and 
construction of a railway to it in 1875, to be followed in the 
early nineties by the opening of lines to the newer ports of Caleta 
Buena and Caleta Junin. An essential feature of the political and 
strategic organization of Chile has been the building of the longi- 
tudinal railroad throughout its great length north of 40 S. 



182 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Only the final section of this remains to be built, the plan being to 
connect Zapiga on the Pisagua line with Arica. The Peruvians, 
encouraged by the success of the Moquegua railway, and to meet 
a similar need, constructed the line from Tacna to Arica; and 
this was long thought of as the first section of a railway to 
Bolivia. But the continuation was never undertaken. 

The greatest feat in opening up the Central Andes — the build- 
ing of railways up to the high plateaus — still remains to be treat- 
ed; and the great importance of topography in this elevated 
region is brought home to us in a remarkable manner when we 
consider the facts of route selection, railway competition, and 
movement of commodities in the last half-century. Primarily of 
course railways have penetrated to the heart of the Cordilleras 
in order to tap the ores they produce and so to promote mining; 
and we may note with advantage the swift changes which have 
taken place in the direction of this export, as the various railways 
in turn crept up to the plateau and pushed their heads nearer to 
the different mining centers. 

The Peruvian Corporation was first in the field with its line 
from Mollendo along the shore and up over the desert pampa to 
Arequipa and thence by severe gradients to the plateau and 
Lake Titicaca, which it reaches at Puno. This line was opened 
in 1874. In addition to serving Arequipa and tapping the agri- 
cultural and pastoral resources of a wide area of Peru, it opened 
a new route for export of Bolivian ores; for after some delay a 
steamer service was established on Lake Titicaca from Puno to 
Huaqui, which had the effect of diverting much of the ore from 
the llama caravans on the Tacna road. In particular, the new 
route took the entire production of the Corocoro copper mines 
and greatly stimulated production there. This is all the more 
striking in that the distance by the new route was so much 
greater, while the ore had to be handled six times between mine 
and ocean steamer, viz.: loaded on mule cart or llama back; 
carried to the Desaguadero; shipped in shallow-draft barges on 
that river; transshipped to the lake steamer at Huaqui (see 
Fig. 39); loaded on the train at Puno; and finally at Mollendo, 



*r<.-' : € 4 




POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 183 

where steamers cannot come alongside, first put into lighters 
and thence hoisted into the steamer hold in the roadstead. In 
1902 La Paz was linked to this sytem by the building of a rail- 
way to Huaqui. 

The port of Antofagasta is over 400 kilometers south of our 
limit of 20 degrees. From this port a narrow-gauge railroad was 
constructed in a northeasterly direction to tap the rich copper 
mines of northern Chile and pushed up over the plateau, reaching 
Oruro in 1892 and thus at once draining the bulk of the mineral 
districts of Bolivia southwards to Antofagasta. In 1912 the 
facility of export in this direction was further increased by 
opening of the line from Rio Mulato to Potosi; but it is worthy 
of note that even after the Antofagasta railroad had reached 
Oruro a constant stream of freight from the plateau as far south 
as that city continued for many years to be moved by caravan 
to Arica, and the extension of the Antofagasta line from Oruro up 
to Viacha in 1909 did not completely drain the produce of this 
region to the southern port. 

The last stage in this contest for the traffic of the plateau was 
initiated in 19 13 by the completion of the Arica-La Paz railroad. 
This line was not made an extension of the Arica-Tacna railway 
but was constructed in the Lluta basin, reaching the summit 
near Lago Blanco, continuing down the Mauri River, and taking 
an easy course over the plateau which brought it within a few 
miles of Corocoro. About the same time the railway from Oruro 
to Cochabamba by way of the Arque valley was finished. In 
consequence of these recent developments the freight routes at 
the present time are again undergoing readjustment but prob- 
ably for the last time. To help in visualizing the changes in the 
relative importance of routes, three sketch maps are given 
(Fig. 38) representing conditions in different periods. 

As far as the country south of La Paz is concerned, com- 
petition is now entirely between the ports of Arica and Anto- 
fagasta, Mollendo having dropped behind, presumably on 
account of the transshipment difficulties. In 1916 the relative 
volume of exportation by the three ports in metric tons was as 



1 84 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

follows: Antofagasta 80,977, Arica 43,563, Mollendo 4,957. It 
seems clear that the figure for Arica does not represent the posi- 
tion which that port and its railway will hold in the future. The 
new line suffered greatly for the first two years from the lack 
of rolling stock, and it is unlikely that by 1916 complete adjust- 
ment had taken place. We may usefully compare certain fea- 
tures of the three railway routes to La Paz. 







Summit in 






Port 


Length in 


the Cordil- 


Time from 


Time to 


Kilometers 


lera Occi- 


La Paz 


La Paz 






dental 






Arica . . . 


439 


4,257 meters 


17 hrs. 


25 hrs. 


Antofagasta . 


1. 157 


3,956 meters 


48 hrs. 


53 hrs. 


Mollendo . . 


850 


4,470 meters 


35 hrs. 


45 hrs. 



Considering distances from the ports along the various routes 
we may note that a point which is halfway between Arica and 
Antofagasta on the now continuous railway linking the ports 
by way of Viacha and Oruro would form a natural divide for 
freight north bound and south bound. This point is just south 
of Challapata, east of Lake Poop6, and it would appear that 
under present conditions the Viacha-Arica railway should form 
the avenue for all freight derived from or destined for all the 
plateau area represented on the La Paz sheet save a small strip 
in the south. Furthermore, a railway project which has been 
much favored by mine owners south of Oruro is the construc- 
tion of a line from Charana, the frontier station on the Arica 
railroad, directly to Oruro, keeping to the south of the middle 
Desaguadero. There is no geographical reason for thus doubling 
the line in the Mauri valley, and great economy would evidently 
be effected by making a junction in the neighborhood of the 
Mauri viaduct near Viscachani. But, whatever be the detail of 
this railway construction, it remains true that, if it be carried 
out, the imaginary line which we term the "freight divide" 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 185 

would be moved southward beyond Rfo Mulato. By this the 
Arica railroad would be the gainer, having tapped the heavy 
traffic from the Potosi district. 

Of the railways so far mentioned probably the only one that 
serves agricultural interests to any great extent is that from 
Oruro to Cochabamba. This line serves as distributor of produce 
emanating not only from the Cochabamba basin itself but also 
from the southern Yungas and the warm valleys drained east- 
wards to the Rfo Grande. There is a project to extend the 
existing railway, on the one hand, into the former district and 
so to reach the head of navigation on the Chapare, a tributary 
of the Mamor6, and, on the other, to Santa Cruz and so on to 
the Parana River at Puerto Suarez. In the latter direction there 
is already a short electric road as far as Punata in the rich agri- 
cultural basin of Cliza. 

East of La Paz lies the best-developed section of the Yungas. 
And we have seen that traffic up and down these valleys is heavy. 
It would seem, then, that the Bolivian government is fully 
justified in the construction of the mountain railroad up the 
Chuquiaguillo valley and down the Unduavi. This railway will 
undoubtedly be prolonged to Chulumani, but it remains to be 
seen whether it will ever connect with navigation on the Beni 
River. A railway route has been surveyed from Coroico to Rur- 
renabaque, some 200 kilometers to the north, so that in time the 
traffic link between La Paz and the Amazon may be forged in 
that direction. In discussing railroads in this region we have not 
had to make reference to projects in any great degree. The 
riches of the mines have made realities of most of the projects 
here. Development of additional mines will probably mean new 
branch lines or at least new automobile roads, but of trunk lines 
there would seem to be room for no more, unless it be the linking 
of the Peruvian and Bolivian systems by a line along the western 
shore of Titicaca from Puno to Huaqui. 16 

16 For related discussions see Isaiah Bowman: Trade Routes in the Economic 
Geography of Bolivia, Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc, Vol. 42, 1910, pp. 22-37, 90-104, 
and 180-192; and idem: Regional Population Groups of Atacama, ibid., Vol. 41 
1909, pp. 142-154 and 193-211. 



1 86 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Leading Cities and Centers 

The La Paz sheet includes five cities and towns which demand 
special attention from their importance, not only to this parti- 
cular area but to the Central Andes as a whole. These are La 
Paz, Arequipa, Cochabamba, Oruro, and Arica. 

We have seen how the early Spanish settlers gradually pushed 
their dominion southwards from Peru towards the pampas of 
Argentina, and it has already been noted that it was found 
convenient to establish an important post about halfway between 
Cuzco and Potosf. This post, which has become the city of La 
Paz, was founded in 1548 under the name, El Pueblo Nuevo 
(The New Town). Had the post been fixed actually upon the 
route, it would have stood in the neighborhood of the present 
Viacha, that is on the bare plateau itself; and it is most unlikely 
that it would have developed into the greatest city in the Central 
Andes. La Paz holds this position in virtue of its being the center 
of government in Bolivia; and the government is centered there 
and not at Sucre, the legal capital, because of the nodal position 
required by a metropolis. 17 The city enjoys a climate which, 
while it is not ideal, is yet far more supportable than that of 
Viacha, and its disadvantage of lying nearly 20 miles off the 
main road on the plateau and 600 meters below its level is now 
met by two railroads which descend to the city itself. Thus La 
Paz is now in a position to draw almost the maximum advantage 
from its nodality. This advantage will be complete if and when 
the Yungas railway has been extended to the head of navigation 
on the Beni River. The population of Bolivia is crowded — rela- 
tively — in this western section of the country. From south, 
from west, and from both shores of Titicaca routes converge 
here. Moreover, La Paz is the starting point of the easiest road 
from the plateau to the Yungas and ultimately to the Amazonian 
plains. Successful government in the less accessible parts of 
South America is largely a matter of communications. Where 
these are difficult the government is ill-informed of happenings 

17 It is in virtue of this that La Paz is indicated on the map by the symbol for 
capital city. 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 



187 



in its more remote territories, and it is in these that revolutions 
tend to break out. A President at Sucre would be hopelessly 
out of touch with affairs in the Yungas, and that city stands on 
the very edge of the mining zone and beyond the well-peopled 
region of Bolivia. La Paz as the center of government and of 
business has grown very rapidly in recent years. Its population 
has increased from 60,000 in 1900 to 78,000 in 1909 and 101,000 
(estimated) in 1920. With its public buildings, churches, plazas, 
markets, busy thoroughfares, the city really looks like a capital. 
The foreign visitor to La Paz carries a lifelong memory of its 
wonderful setting, unique among capitals. From the Alto the 




Fig. 40 — The site of the city of La Paz, from the southwest. In the distance are 
peaks of the Cordillera Real with Caca-Aca and Huaina Potosi (left) ; the smooth 
upper surface in the middle distance is an extension of the Altiplano; the glaciated 
valleys of the upper La Paz (left) and Chuquiaguillo (center) are incised below 
this surface. The city is partly on a terrace and partly on the lowest slopes of the 
main valley. Drawn from a photograph. 

city is seen to nestle far below, not quite at the head of the deep 
trench in which it lies but near the spot where the torrential 
Chuquiaguillo River tumbles down to join the La Paz River, 
which threads the city itself. The steep valley sides contrast 
with the smooth upper edges of spurs and plateau, and these 
remnants of an ancient topography rise gently as they recede, 
till they lap against the rugged walls of the Cordillera with its 
crown of snow and ice. The latter is visible in more than half its 
extent — from Caca Aca on the left to Illimani on the right. 
Towards the latter the middle distance is occupied by a labyrinth 
of spurs and narrow valleys cut in the weakest of rocks. Light 
and shade bring out the valley sculpture in its finest tracery of 



1 88 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

earth pillars and dendritic scrolls. Perhaps aesthetic apprecia- 
tion of this magnificent situation as well as the city's history 
contributed, when the New Town was rechristened under the 
dignified title: Nuestra Sefiora de la Paz, which name, after 
independence had been won, was changed to its present form, 
La Paz de Ayacucho. 

Arequipa is the metropolis of southern Peru and the second 
city in that country. Throughout its long history it has derived 
its relative importance mainly from three facts: that it possesses 
a considerable stretch of irrigable land on a gently sloping pampa; 
that in all of southern Peru this is the only extensive agricultural 
area intermediate in altitude — Arequipa is at 2,295 meters — 
between the hot coast lands and the Puna; and, lastly, that it is 
situated on a relatively easy route between a port — Quilca — and 
the thickly peopled Puna north and west of Lake Titicaca. 
Arequipa is therefore admirably placed as a center for exchange 
of the products of Puna and coast. 

The city stands on the open pampa on the eastern bank of the 
Rio Chili which flows in a deep quebrada. It is a well built city 
of stone laid out in rectangular blocks, and slopes gently from 
north to south. Above the city stands the astronomical observa- 
tory maintained by Harvard University. From the scenic stand- 
point it is the background which makes Arequipa. Seen from the 
southwest the city appears to be crowned by the perfect cone of 
El Misti with its peak, snow-capped for most of the year, 3,500 
meters above the town and 18 kilometers distant. To left and 
right stand respectively the triple peaks of Chachani and the 
rugged ridges of Pichu Pichu, the first separated from El Misti 
by the profound canyon of the Chili and the second standing 
out from the flat horizon of the Pampa de Salinas. The census 
of 1876 credited Arequipa and its suburb of Miraflores with a 
population of 29,000, while the number today is not much less 
than 40,000, and it would appear that the greatest increase took 
place soon after railway communication was opened. One result 
of this was the development of industry, such as cotton and grain 
mills. Arequipa, like Cuzco, is noted as a hotbed of revolution. 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 189 

Both are centers of outlying departments, and the lack of direct 
railway communication with the capital is doubtless a con- 
tributory cause. 

In 1574 the Spaniards, appreciating the kindly climate and 
good soil of the "wet plain" (khocha pampa) of the Rocha, founded 
the Villa de Oropeza there. The city remains under the Indian 
name as Cochabamba. Its site in the enclosed basin which it 
dominates is determined by a rocky prong of the southern hill, 
which causes a constriction in the pampa threaded by the Rocha. 
Just below the city that river receives the tributary which drains 
the wide basin of Cliza to the southeast. Cochabamba is the 
meeting point of the ways leading, on the one hand, through this 
basin and spreading fan-wise over wide tracts of the eastern 
Andes and, on the other hand, up the Rocha valley and over to 
the Yungas and the Rio Chapare. 

The impression left in the mind of the visitor to Cochabamba is 
of a pleasant, hospitable city with many trees and animated by 
the life of an important market brimming with the fruits of the 
soil. As such it has an importance much greater than is indicated 
by the number of its permanent inhabitants. These were esti- 
mated in 1918 at 31,000; the census of 1900 giving a total of 
22,000. The pampa presents a smiling aspect with its well-grown 
crops and innumerable fruit trees. The rushing Rocha forms an 
alluring foreground in this arid land, and the bold scarp of the 
Tunari, while it does not match the background of La Paz, yet 
fits the landscape, and without the presence of this protecting 
range the fertile basin is unthinkable; indeed it would not exist. 
Cochabamba is the most Spanish of all the cities in our area. Its 
climate and the fertility of its soil caused the early settlers to 
make it their home, and today the customs of old Spain prevail 
to a marked degree. 

A greater contrast in aspect and life could scarcely be found in 
the region than that between Cochabamba and Oruro. The con- 
vergence of the road from the former with the piedmont road of 
the Altiplano would naturally be an important place, especially 
as it is halfway between La Paz and Potosi. But its location 



190 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

would be that of Paria, close to the hills. But Oruro is the real 
junction of roads as it is of railways. The cause for the momen- 
tum acquired by this city is the small group of hills which raise 
their bald heads from a still more barren pampa, which separates 
them by ten kilometers from the escarpment of the eastern pla- 
teaus. To this inhospitable spot the early Spaniards were at- 
tracted by the silver lodes of the hills, and they made their 
settlement as best they could on the east side of the group where 
they obtained at least some shelter from the cold and dust-laden 
winds which sweep the Altiplano in the winter. The city was 
styled the Villa de San Felipe de Austria, but its aboriginal name 
Uru Uru — probably derived from the presence of a group of Uru 
Indians — has survived in the present form. But Oruro has been 
little better than a mining camp throughout its long history. It 
is in no way favored by nature ; at no season is its climate pleas- 
ant, scarcely a tree is to be found in or about the city, and even 
the inadequate water supply has to be piped across the pampa 
from the Cordillera. The drab aspect of the blocks of low adobe 
houses is only heightened by the artificial pretentiousness of the 
ornate government buildings in the main plaza. 

Oruro was founded as a mining center in 1568, and such fever- 
ish activity reigned in the following century that by 1678 there 
were some 38,000 Spaniards living there, and the Indian popula- 
tion must have been at least as great, making a total of 76,000. 
The extent to which silver mining had fallen off by 1859 is re- 
flected in the population of that date — 7,980. From then on- 
wards the Cerro de Oruro has again been known as a great tin- 
mining center. By 1900 its population had grown to 15,900, and, 
as this industry received a great impetus from the advent of the 
railroad, it is not surprising that the city in 1920 numbered about 
31,000 inhabitants. 

Arica, little more than a village with its 5,000 inhabitants, 
merits special treatment here because of its future rather than 
on account of its past. Yet even in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries it would have maintained a greater population, had it 
not been for a well-grounded fear of the English raiders, of whom 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 191 

Sir Francis Drake was the first and best known. This, as well as 
the frequency of earthquakes, discouraged settlement in the little 
port. Arica is of great importance strategically and commercially. 
At the present time it is occupied by the strongest naval power in 
western South America, Chile, which holds the nitrate fields. 
Early in the War of the Pacific the capture of Arica was effected 
by Chile, and it was a vital stroke. So long as attack by neigh- 
bors is likely the holder of the nitrate fields must be able to dom- 
inate Arica and its relatively sheltered harbor from the sea. 
We have seen that as the terminus of the La Paz railway the 
port of Arica is destined to deal with an ever-increasing traffic 
with Bolivia. Without a doubt it must soon become Bolivia's 
first port. The town with its limited resources of water and food 
will probably never grow to be a large city, but with the future 
development of warehouses and possibly of smelters a consider- 
able increase in its population is to be expected, and its impor- 
tance to the Central Andes will always be greater than its size 
would imply. 

The absolute dependence of the Andean Indians upon the 
produce of the soil accounts for the deep-seated desire on their 
part to propitiate the natural elements, or rather the spirits 
which they conceive to control them. Their religion, while nom- 
inally that of the Roman Catholic Church, at bottom consists in 
the worship of such spirits, and, while the celebrations of the 
Church are observed, these often coincide with the time-honored 
festivals of the pre-Christian period. Thus the celebration of 
Corpus Christi about the end of May coincides with the primitive 
festival marking the conclusion of chuno making. The ancient 
festivals, or holidays, were combined with periodic fairs, and so 
today there is a general agreement of the dates of the important 
Christian celebrations with the holding of annual fairs in one 
place or another. There is however, a general absence of fairs 
in the rainy season, for there is much work to be done in the fields, 
and roads are then difficult to traverse. 

These annual fairs are a feature in the life of all large villages 
which are centers of districts; but there are two places in our 



192 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

area whose fame spreads beyond these limits. Each of them 
draws thousands of people from far and wide for one week in the 
year. These are Copacabana, on the western side of the penin- 
sula of that name in Titicaca, and Huari, on the eastern side of 
Lake Poopo. Copacabana is the reputed birthplace of the Chil- 
dren of the Sun, and the wise ecclesiastics of the Conquest in 
their effort to convert the natives erected on this most sacred spot 
of the Indians the shrine of Our Lady of Copacabana. There is a 
weekly market at this place — as in hundreds of others — but mar- 
ket day here is Sunday, so that trading may be combined with 
religion. Moreover, it is the idea of annual pilgrimage which 
renders the Copacabana fair so important when it is held. Were 
it not for its religious importance Copacabana would probably 
not have been chosen as the location of a leading fair. 

Huari is a small village situated on the narrow piedmont strip 
between Lake Poop6 and the eastern Andes. For fifty-one weeks 
it is a much less important place than Challapata, ten kilometers 
north of it. But in the week following Holy Week the village may 
contain ten thousand people, and during that time a busy trade is 
carried on. From its location Huari is a convenient point for such 
a concourse. By the road from Sucre which reaches the piedmont 
at Challapata come the farmers of the warm valleys in the Rio 
Grande basin as far as Santa Cruz bringing their grain, sugar, 
wine, and fruit. By the roads from the north come the traders of 
Yungas with their coca and other tropical produce. By the 
southern road come grain from Tupiza and chinchilla skins from 
Lipez, and from distant Argentina come droves of fattened cattle, 
mules, and donkeys for sale. The Puna itself sends its products 
in quantities — woolen fabrics, wrought silver, chuno, etc. Since 
the resources of Huari are limited, elaborate preparations have 
to be made. The fair is administered by the municipality of 
Challapata for which a contractor organizes temporary shops, 
corrals, etc., paying a high price for the privilege but deriving 
good profit from his week's labor. 18 

18 For details see Gladys M. Wrigley, (i4S). 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 193 

Geography and Political Organization 

Just as the physical characters of the land have largely deter- 
mined the course of man's occupation of it and his distribution 
upon it, so also the political organization of the country has 
always been guided at least in part by geographical considera- 
tions. This is best seen in the positions and movements of politi- 
cal boundary lines. In the earlier periods of their history — and 
prehistory — territories of clans, races, and empires were probably 
separated not by boundary lines but by frontier zones which 
were contested incessantly by neighboring tribes. Archeology 
has revealed the existence of a prehistoric empire, of whose cul- 
ture the chief feature is megalithic structures. This empire is 
believed to have extended over the high Andes from 12 S. north- 
wards to 5 S. and down to the coast between 5 and 15 . The 
later Inca empire from its nucleus at Cuzco was extended gradu- 
ally in both directions along the Andes, until at its apogee, be- 
tween 1488 and 1530 A. D., it included all of the ancient megalithic 
empire and more, reaching on coast and mountains to the 
equator and along the Pacific coast to the site of Valparaiso. 
These great empires, then, furnish a wonderful example of polit- 
ical units extending throughout entire natural regions — the 
Puna on the mountains and the desert on the coast. All the high 
lands and dry lands came under their sway, but never the wet 
and forest lands. The Inca empire in fact corresponded in 
marked degree with the range of the condor — the animal king of 
the Andes. 19 

The frontier zone with the forest tribes was the eastern slopes 
of the Andes. Where this frontier was regarded as vulnerable, in 
parts of Peru and in the plateaus east of our area for instance, it 
was defended by forts dominating the valleys. But apparently 
the Cordillera Real was considered as a sufficiently strong natural 
barrier, for no undoubted remains of fortifications have been 
found there. Similarly throughout the whole of the Spanish 

19 The maps in the papers of Philip A. Means, (in), and Erland Nordenskiold, 
(128) may be consulted. 



194 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

period, while various expeditions went down into the forest, 
mostly in search of gold, many never returned, and the forested 
lowlands were never occupied. They were organized as "military 
governments." 

We have seen that Lake Titicaca from an early period has 
divided Quichuas from Aymaras; and ever since the Spanish 
Conquest a political boundary has existed, running from the 
Cordillera Occidental in the neighborhood of the Arica-La Paz 
route in a general northeasterly direction to the Cordillera Real. 
This was first the limit of the Audiencia de los Reyes (i.e. Lima) 
and the Audiencia de los Charcas out of which the modern Bo- 
livia has grown. These were two of the five principal divisions 
of the Viceroyalty of Peru. 20 That the line between the two audi- 
encias was subject to variation from time to time is apparent 
from the sketch map shown on Figure 41, but it is also clear that 
Titicaca has always been in a frontier zone traversing the Puna 
region. The importance of the boundary was increased when in 
1777 Alto Peru was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Vice- 
royalty of La Plata or Buenos Ayres — a change which resulted 
largely from the development of lines of communication across 
the eastern Andean plateaus to the Argentine pampas. With the 
wars of independence in the early nineteenth century this divid- 
ing line again acquired increased importance as the international 
boundary between Peru and Bolivia. The line, from a point on 
the main divide east of the village of Ancomarca to the point 
where it meets the Rio Desaguadero, is always referred to as the 
traditional boundary. It is shown on the La Paz sheet in con- 
formity with the most recent available official Bolivian map. 21 
This position does not agree with the delimitation contained in 
the Treaty of 1909, 22 which describes it as starting at Ancomarca, 
following the summits of Lucilla and Tapara, and thence extend- 

20 The Audiencia y Chancellaria de la Plata, Provincia de los Charcas, com- 
monly known as the Audiencia de Charcas, was established by Philip II in 1559. 
It came to be known as Alto Peru. It is described by Rene-Moreno, (133), pp. 
201-325. 

21 Mapa del Departamento de La Paz por Eduardo Idiaquez, 1 : 750,000, 1919. 

22 Quoted by Luis S. Crespo, (17). 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 



195 




Fig. 41 — Sketch map showing boundary changes in the Central Andes. Sources 
for boundaries are as follows: for 1656, Map by N. Sanson d'Abbeville, Le Perou 
etc., Paris, 1656; for 177s, Carte du Perou by M. Bonne in Atlas moderne, Paris, 
1771, and Mapa Geografico de America meridional by La Cruz Cano y Omedilla, 
Madrid, 1775; for 1859, Mapa de la Republica de Bolivia by Ondarza and Mujia, 
I 859- 



196 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

ing down to the source of the Yaro, which it follows to the Desa- 
guadero. But it seems likely that the topography in this area has 
become better known since 1909 and modifications of the line 
consequently adopted. This section of boundary has not yet 
been surveyed or demarcated. From the outlet of Lake Titicaca 
the position of the boundary is accurately known on the ground, 
but later accurate surveys of the shore line will necessarily modify 
its position on the map. Where the line traverses the peninsula of 
Copacabana it follows a very sinuous course, determined by the 
limits of properties owned by Peruvians and Bolivians. 

A more obvious natural frontier is the summit of the Western 
Cordillera. Soon after the Spanish Conquest it was decided that 
the whole of the territory within the La Paz sheet should belong 
to the Viceroyalty of Peru, the northern boundary of Chile being 
fixed at the Rio Copiapo, and by the creation of the Audiencia of 
Charcas the Altiplano south of Titicaca and the coast lands be- 
tween the Tambo and the Copiap6 were included in this single 
political unit. Thus for a period the cordillera in our area was not 
a political boundary. But even at this time the coastal strip south 
of Arica was virtually disregarded by the Spanish colonists of the 
plateau, and the barrier shutting off the desert was none the less 
real. Between 1760 and 1770, however, there was a change in 
organization of the Kingdom of Peru by which the partido of 
Arequipa had been extended down the coast to the vicinity of 
Pisagua 23 and the cordillera thus became the boundary between 
the two Audiencias. Again, after Charcas had been transferred 
to the Viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres we find an official map 24 
showing Peru as extending well beyond our area — to the Rio de 
Loa, thus pushing the coast line of Charcas to the south of that 
river. Thus the Cordillera Occidental became established as the 
political boundary which after 1 8 10 separated Peru from Bolivia. 
In the War of the Pacific, 1879-1883, Bolivia lost to Chile all of 
her coastal territory and Peru her province of Tarapaca, lying 
to the south of the Rio Camarones, while Chile occupied the 

29 Cf. map by M. Bonne, "Carte du Perou," in Atlas Moderne, Paris, 1771. 
24 "Piano General del Reyno del Peru," by Dr. Andres Baleato, 1796. 



POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT 197 

Peruvian provinces of Arica and Tacna. The boundary in the 
cordillera thenceforward separated Bolivia from Chile and the 
occupied provinces of Peru. It was delimited in a treaty between 
Bolivia and Chile in 1904 and a protocol in 1907, and the whole 
frontier zone was surveyed, and the boundary demarcated, by a 
mixed commission operating in 1904 and 1905. The entire sec- 
tion of the Bolivian boundary lying north of 20° S. is situated well 
to the east of the continental divide in the cordillera. This at first 
sight seems strange and unwise, and we have already noticed 
some of the disadvantages to Bolivia of this fact. The explana- 
tion is simple. The cession by Peru to Chile of her province of 
Tarapaca and the occupation by Chile of Tacna and Arica meant 
that the existing eastern limit of Tarapaca became the Chile- 
Bolivia boundary, while the existing limits of Arica and Tacna 
for all practical purposes from 1883 till the present time have 
been regarded as the boundary between Chile and Bolivia. 
The task of the mixed commission, then, was to establish and de- 
marcate these old provincial limits. Going further back, it may 
be presumed, in the absence of evidence, that the audiencia of 
Lima in extending its territory down the coast in the eighteenth 
century went somewhat beyond the divide in the cordillera, be- 
cause individual settlers in the coastal oases were interested in 
utilizing the high pastures of the mountains, while the Spaniards 
in Charcas who were much farther off, on the east side of the 
Altiplano, were not interested in such developments. The boun- 
dary claimed by Chile as corresponding to the limits of the old 
Peruvian provinces does not seem to have been seriously con- 
tested by Chile. 

With the conclusion of the War of the Pacific, Bolivia became 
an inland state, while Peru shrank northward on the coast. 
The boundary between her territory and that of Chile remains 
unsettled on account of the dispute over Tacna and Arica. This 
subject is treated in some detail in Appendix B, and I shall only 
refer here to the nature of the various boundaries which are af- 
fected. In the event of the old provinces being returned to Peru 
the international boundary will be the northern limit of Tara- 



iq8 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

paca. This line, which is marked on the La Paz sheet, lies in the 
Rio Camarones and its more northerly head stream, the Aja- 
tama, as far as a point west of Tarahuire, whence it runs north- 
east to the Cerro de Puquintica where it meets the Bolivian boun- 
dary. In the event of the occupied territory becoming Chilean the 
international line will presumably be the Rio Sama from its 
mouth to a point above Caribaya. Beyond this its position would 
be in doubt. Chile occupies all the land up to the boundary shown 
on the La Paz sheet which follows the Rio Cano to its source and 
thence crossing the upper Mauri runs eastward to the Bolivian 
boundary at the Cerro Chipe. The Peace Treaty of 1883 allowed 
Chile to occupy the provinces of Tacna and Arica "bounded on 
the north by the Rio Sama from its source in the Cordilleras which 
limit Bolivia to its mouth." Peruvians hold that Chile went 
beyond her rights in selecting the westernmost branch of the 
Sama for her boundary and claim that the district of Tarata, 
which corresponds roughly to the basin of the Sama within the 
cordillera, was wrongfully occupied by Chile. 

The line dividing two Chilean departments of Tacna and Arica, 
shown on the La Paz sheet on the synoptical index only, follows 
the Quebrada de Caunani, crosses the Arica-La Paz railway north 
of the station of Puquios, and passes by the Cerro de Tarapaca 
to the Bolivian boundary on the Nevados de Payachata. If this 
line were to be adopted as the international boundary, by way of 
compromise, two railways would be cut by it — the Arica-La 
Paz and that from Tacna to Arica. 

It is noteworthy that all the boundaries mentioned on the 
Pacific slope follow rivers which feed oases in the desert; and the 
inconvenience that must result from making a frontier out of a 
river, of which every drop is required for irrigation, must be 
apparent. 



APPENDIX A 

THE SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION OF THE 
PLATEAU INDIANS 

By George M. McBride 

From very early times the social organization of the Indians 
was based upon the clan, as among other American aborigines; 
and the kinship group, which was the unit of their society, was 
the ayllu. It would seem that after the establishment of the 
Indians as a sedentary agricultural people, the ayllu had become 
an agrarian unit as well as a social bond, since the land was held 
collectively by this body and was administered by the head man 
of the community. Each year the land was distributed anew; one 
portion being set aside to be cultivated by the people for religious 
purposes and for the sustenance of those engaged in this, another 
portion — usually the best — for the head chief (in later times the 
Inca) and his attendants, the remaining land being distributed 
among the heads of individual families. The land, however, was 
not alienable. All parts of it continued to belong to the ayllu, 
even that assigned to the rulers and the priests. These latter re- 
ceived only the fruits of the land, the people in this way (in cul- 
tivating these portions for their superiors) paying taxes or 
tribute. This constituted, in fact, about the only form of 
tribute exacted from the people. Neither were the individuals 
who received annual allotments permitted to alienate any portion 
of it. Apparently even the houses in which the people lived could 
not be alienated, although, today at least, a man is entitled, if he 
moves, to take the thatch roof of his house with him. Thus true 
property in land or buildings was almost if not entirely unknown 
among the Indians of this region, as in other parts of America, 
before the coming of Europeans. 

It is not known whether the office of chief among the Colla 



200 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

people before the Inca conquest was hereditary, as was that of 
the Inca ruler, or whether a chief was elected, as among the 
Mexicans. The list of ancient kings, given by Montesinos, and 
thought by some to refer to the dynasties that ruled in Tiahua- 
naco, records direct lineal succession in most cases. At the 
present time, however, both the alcaldes and the ilacatas — the 
police and the administrative officers respectively — of the 
Aymara communities are elected. 

While the local organization of society was that of the consan- 
guineal group, there had been superimposed upon this a system 
of government by the conquering Inca dynasty. It is somewhat 
difficult to distinguish what features of the government pertained 
to the central authority and what to the local communities; but, 
as the policy of the Incas was generally to leave the already exist- 
ing customs and institutions of conquered peoples as far as possi- 
ble undisturbed, it would seem that the central government con- 
cerned itself chiefly in the collecting of revenue and in the mili- 
tary organization of the country — even in this, operating, for the 
most part, through the recognized chiefs of the local communi- 
ties. Since there are repeated references to the clan organization 
among the Spanish writers who describe the social institutions 
of the Indians and since many features of such kinship organiza- 
tion, characteristic of almost all American aborigines, are pre- 
served among the Indian communities today, it would seem that 
the Inca's government did not at all supersede this form of polity 
but rather recognized the local units and ruled the country 
through them. 

The religious life of the Collas was a mixture of a primitive 
animistic worship of hills, mountains, rocks, and many other 
natural objects and the more elevated concept of the sun as the 
giver of all life. There are evidences, too, of the worship of a 
Great Spirit, thought of as superior to all of these other deities. 
Reverence for ancestors also approached a form of worship. 
The first of these, a superstitious regard for the spirits of familiar 
inanimate objects, probably had most intimate influence upon 
their daily lives, since they lived in constant dread of the displeas- 



SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION 201 

ure of these spirits. The same is true of the Aymaras of today, 
who build tiny stone houses to the spirits of the hills at every high 
pass, throw an offering of masticated coca leaves upon overhang- 
ing cliffs along the roads, dash the blood of a slaughtered animal 
upon the gable of their adobe houses, spill a little of every cup of 
liquor which they drink, in reverence to Pachacmama (Earth 
Mother) , and hear the movements of spirits in every rolling rock 
upon the hillside. The worship of the sun was probably more 
remote in its appeal to them, although a very natural result of 
the desire for its heat in the penetrating cold of their native high- 
lands. Some of the great religious festivals were connected with 
the movements of the sun; and careful observations were made 
with astronomical instruments, constructed of masonry, to deter- 
mine the equinoxes and solstice. 1 The most notable sun festival 
— the Intip Raymi — is still observed in many parts of the high- 
lands but with the Christian name of St. John's Day. This oc- 
curred at the time of the winter solstice (southern hemisphere) 
on June 21 and was apparently a combination of harvest celebra- 
tion and an attempt to bring back the sun from the most distant 
point of his yearly journey. In the old Spanish accounts the 
former feature is most prominent, but at the present time the 
observance consists principally of the lighting of fires in the 
streets, in the house yards, on the hillsides, and wherever bundles 
of grass or other combustible can be collected. For several days 
and nights, but particularly the first night, the whole country 
seems ablaze. Bundles of weeds and brushwood are lighted about 
every cottage, bonfires are made in the streets, and the bunch 
grass and weeds upon every hillside are lighted, continuing the 
ancient custom of calling back the sun, the source of heat and 
light and life. For several days before the solstice, trains of mules 
and donkeys loaded with the combustibles make their way into 
the towns, while for several days afterwards the valleys are filled 
with smoke, so dense, sometimes, as completely to shut out sight 
of the surrounding hills. 

Among the objects of special veneration were the jaguar, 

1 See Clements Robert Markham, (113), pp. 115-116. 



202 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

llama, puma, condor, and serpent, if we may judge from the 
appearance of these objects among their sacred symbols. Each 
household also had its own particular huaca (object of worship) or 
reverenced that of the ayllu to which it belonged, usually repre- 
senting the person or object from which tradition said that the 
ancestor of their clan had sprung. 

With the establishment of the Inca dynasty the worship of the 
sun apparently took on new importance, inasmuch as the Incas 
considered themselves the children of the sun, and the sun cult 
was quite directly connected with allegiance to the royal family. 
Cuzco, the Inca capital, was also the seat of the great temple of 
the sun, a structure whose exquisite masonry (a part of which 
still stands) and elaborate ornaments of gold caused wonder in 
all who saw them. The Island of the Sun (Isla de Titicaca) also 
was a place of sacred character to the Incas, and they had a 
temple of the sun erected there. The Incas themselves came to 
worship there, either because of some superstition connected with 
the natural Rock of the Cat, which stands upon the island, or 
perhaps because of the tradition that the island was the cradle of 
the Inca rulers themselves. It seems, however, that the island had 
already long had something of a sacred character before it was 
made a place of Inca pilgrimages. Copacabana was also a place of 
pilgrimages, where a huaca existed. In place of this huaca there 
now exists the Virgin of Copacabana, and thousands of Indians 
journey long distances each year to worship at this time-honored 
shrine. It is possible that in pre-Inca times these shrines and 
perhaps also Tiahuanaco were principal religious centers of the 
Aymaras, but at the time of the Spanish Conquest they were 
secondary to Cuzco, which had become the religious as well as 
the political capital. 



APPENDIX B 
THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA 

Dispute over this territory dates from the War of the Pacific 
(1879-1883), in which Bolivia and Peru united against Chile. 
Up to a few decades before that time the entire desert of Atacama 
which lay on the border of the three countries, had been consid- 
ered practically worthless, except for the silver mines of Guanta- 
jaya and Santa Rosa near Iquique, and the boundaries were but 
ill defined. About the middle of the last century, however, there 
developed a demand in Europe for the guano which was found 
on the coast and among the adjacent islands. This impelled the 
three countries to assert their respective claims. The discovery of 
rich nitrate deposits (1830-1850) and the development of steam 
navigation — the first line on the west coast was established in 
1840 — greatly accentuated the interest in these hitherto valueless 
territories. Chile created the province of Atacama (1843), with 
undefined northern limits. Peru developed a state monopoly of 
the newly discovered resources in her desert provinces; and Bo- 
livia, for the first time, organized an effective administration over 
the section that traditionally belonged to her. Both guano and 
nitrate were developed chiefly for export to Europe, and the 
trade that resulted was almost entirely maritime. The most 
active exploiters of these natural resources were foreigners resi- 
dent in Chile or citizens of that country itself. To the Chileans 
the traffic in these commodities was of greatest interest, because, 
on their way to Europe, all the vessels trading in guano or nitrate 
passed the length of her thousand miles of coast and frequently 
put in at her ports, while to both Peru and Bolivia it meant the 
exploitation of resources that lay on the extreme borders of their 
possessions. Consequently it was Chile which first learned to 
prize the desert region and became most active in advances 
into it. Treaties of 1866 and 1874 with Bolivia pushed the Chil- 



204 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

ean frontier northward from El Paposo (latitude about 25 ) 
to latitude 24 S., just south of Antofagasta, and guaranteed 
Chilean citizens against the imposition of increased exportation 
duties in the territory between that and latitude 23 . An alleged 
violation of these rights, in the imposition of an additional export 
tax, brought about war between the two countries (1879). Peru, 
in compliance with a secret treaty of mutual defense which she 
had signed with Bolivia in 1873, was drawn into the conflict. 
This secret treaty was evidently intended to check Chile's ag- 
gressive advance northward and to prevent her acquiring the 
newly discovered wealth of the desert. The war thus sprang from 
economic causes, the desire of each nation to secure the greatest 
gain from the valuable guano and nitrate deposits. 

The conflict proved disastrous to the allied nations. Chile early 
established her superiority on the sea and thus commanded the 
coast with its line of ports, upon which almost all life in the desert 
depended. Peru and Bolivia were unable to move their armies 
across the desert to attack the Chilean forces which, landing at 
convenient points on the coast, had overrun all the nitrate prov- 
inces and had even established themselves in the fertile oases of 
the Tacna and Arica valleys. Further naval successes and the 
decisive defeats inflicted upon the allies at the battles of the 
Campo de Alianza near Tacna and the Morro of Arica permitted 
Chile to capture Lima and dictate the terms of peace, Bolivia 
having already withdrawn from the war. 1 

As a result of the war Bolivia was compelled to cede to Chile her 
entire littoral, containing the major portion of the nitrate depos- 
its. She became an inland country dependent upon the goodwill 
of her neighbors for all outlet to the sea. This lack of coast line 
has accentuated her already embarrassing isolation and has 
greatly retarded her progress. 

By the treaty of Anc6n (1883), which terminated the war 
between Peru and Chile, Peru was forced to surrender outright 
her southernmost province, Tarapaca, containing the rest of the 

'See Isaiah Bowman: The Military Geography of Atacama, Educational Bi- 
Monthly, ion, pp. 1-21. 



THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA 205 

nitrate deposits, Chile thus gaining what had apparently been 
her goal in the war, complete possession of these enormous 
sources of wealth. Since that time the export duty on nitrate has 
been her principal fount of national income, supplying some three- 
fourths of her total revenue. Chile also made a determined effort 
to secure the cession of Tacna and Arica, the two succeeding 
Peruvian provinces, not because of any natural wealth that they 
contained, for they were not only desert but, as far as was known, 
held no important mineral deposits. They offered, however, a far 
better protection to her recently acquired treasure than any fron- 
tier farther south and, in the hands of Peru, would be a constant 
menace to Chilean possession of the nitrate fields. The distance 
from seacoast to cordillera at this point is considerably less than 
it is to the south. Moreover, the fertile, irrigated valleys of 
Sama, Tacna, and Tarata afford supplies whereby an army could 
subsist independent of the sea, and they are the only valleys north 
of Copiapo where such is the case. The port of Arica also is a key 
position in this section of the coast, in that it gives easy access to 
the valleys mentioned above, is the most feasible entrance to 
Bolivia for either trade or war, and affords the most favorable 
point of attack against the nitrate fields of Tarapaca. 

Peru, while resigning herself to the loss of the valuable mineral 
deposits in her southernmost province — largely developed by 
Chileans and containing relatively few Peruvian inhabitants, 
stubbornly resisted all attempts of Chile to appropriate Tacna 
and Arica with their old-established Peruvian towns. A compro- 
mise was finally effected whereby Chile was to occupy these two 
provinces for a period of ten years, at the expiration of which a 
plebiscite should determine their ultimate destiny. The nation 
favored by the plebiscite should then pay to the other 10,000,000 
pesos (from $2,000,000 to $3,000,000). Unfortunately, the 
conditions of the plebiscite were left undefined, the two countries 
were later unable to agree upon satisfactory terms, and Chile 
continued to hold Tacna and Arica, which under her administra- 
tion have become the two departments composing the province of 
Tacna. 



206 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Since the expiration of the ten-year period, during which time 
the provinces were to be held and completely administered as 
Chilean territory, the question of ownership has constantly agi- 
tated the two nations concerned. Its influence has also extended 
far beyond the bounds of these coun tries and has constituted a 
problem which at any time might throw a large part of the conti- 
nent into war. More than any other problem this affair has been 
a source of discord in South American international relations. It 
has caused a multitude of attempts at forming defensive or of- 
fensive alliances among the various republics and thus creating a 
South American balance of power, as each of the disputants has 
sought to secure the support of neighbors or to align other nations 
against its opponent. Bolivia in particular, as the country most 
directly affected, has suffered both in her international affairs and 
in her domestic politics from the inquietude engendered by this 
vexing problem. Her recent revolution (19 19) was brought about 
largely as a result of divergent views and sympathies in regard to 
the Chile-Peru embroglio. 

Both Chile and Peru have agreed that the plebiscite provided 
for by the treaty of Anc6n should be held. They have main- 
tained, however, quite diverse views as to the real purpose of that 
vote and as to the manner in which it should be carried out. 
Peru has demanded that a bona fide vote should be taken to as- 
certain the desire of the permanent residents of the occupied 
provinces. She has felt confident that such a vote would restore 
her provinces to her, believing that the sparse population, always 
predominantly Peruvian, has remained loyal in spite of adverse 
conditions throughout the lapse of nearly forty years. Chile, on 
the other hand, has insisted that the plebiscite be conducted in 
such a way as practically to assure her permanent possession of 
the provinces and of late years has clearly stated that she has no 
intention of allowing them to pass out of her power. In fact she 
has indeed asserted that it was never the intention that the ple- 
biscite should be more than a mere form of transfer whereby the 
national pride of the Peruvians might be spared the humiliation 
of an outright cession. She has held that the plebiscite is neces- 



THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA 207 

sary merely as the formal act of transfer provided by the treaty. 

Since both nations wish to see the plebiscite carried out, the 
dispute has centered about the form in which the voting should 
be conducted. The history of the negotiations has been one of 
proposals and counterproposals, each nation seeking a form that 
would be acceptable to her opponent and at the same time would 
assure her own success in the vote. The principal questions at 
issue have been the following: 

First, Who shall be entitled to vote? Peru claims that only 
Peruvians or at least bona fide residents whose residence has been 
established by a term of years, shall be given this right. This 
would include few Chileans, since the resources of the provinces 
are so limited that few actual settlers have entered the region 
since the War of the Pacific. By far the greater part of the 
Chileans found in the territory are officials or members of military 
forces stationed there. Most of both of these classes are tran- 
sients. There are many more or less permanent Bolivian resi- 
dents, constituting perhaps half of the population other than 
Peruvians. These Peru could probably count upon to vote for 
her. Chile insists that all inhabitants, even those with a short 
residence of a few months, shall be allowed to vote, not excluding 
Chilean officials and soldiers. This point Peru has hitherto been 
willing to arbitrate, while Chile has not. 

Second, By what authority shall the plebiscite be conducted? 
The two nations have agreed that each should have a represen- 
tative upon the commission named to carry out the vote. Chile 
has insisted upon her right to preside over such a commission, 
since the departments are actually under her administration. 
Peru has been willing that any neutral representative should 
preside, but not a Chilean. She has been prepared to arbitrate 
this point also, while Chile has not. 

Third, What shall be the method of balloting? Peru wishes 
the vote to be public, Chile that it should be secret. Peru is also 
willing to arbitrate this point. 

Fourth, In what form shall the 10,000,000 pesos due to the 
loser be paid? This apparently has never concerned Peru since 



208 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

she has not doubted the result of a popular vote. Chile has 
found all guarantees offered by Peru acceptable. 

Controversy over these points was maintained almost con- 
stantly from 1892-1894 (the final years of the ten-year period) 
until 1 90 1. Negotiations were often seriously interrupted by 
changes of ministry in Chile and by unstable political conditions 
in Peru. The nearest approach to a settlement was reached in 
1897 in the Billinghurst-Latorre Convention. In this document 
the two nations agreed to submit to the Queen of Spain as arbi- 
trator the questions numbered one and three above. They also 
agreed that the plebiscite should be conducted by a commission 
over which a neutral representative should preside and that the 
10,000,000 pesos should be paid by installments within a period 
of four years. This treaty was ratified promptly by the Peruvian 
Congress and by the Chilean Senate but was delayed in the 
Chilean Chamber of Deputies and finally shelved. The usual 
explanation of Chile's willingness to settle at that time her con- 
troversy with Peru, is that the Chile-Argentine boundary ques- 
tion was just then threatening trouble and there was a very nat- 
ural desire to dispose of all possibilities of complications on the 
west coast. Before the convention was completely ratified, how- 
ever, the crisis had passed, and it is supposed that Chile found it 
no longer necessary to accede to Peru's demands. 

After the failure to reach a settlement Peru severed diplomatic 
relations with Chile and for several years had no representative 
at Santiago. Relations were finally renewed, only to be broken 
again in 19 10 when another attempt at settlement failed. 

In the meantime Chile had actively carried on attempts to 
develop the two departments left indefinitely under her juris- 
diction. In compliance with a treaty with Bolivia in 1904, she 
constructed the Arica-La Paz railway, which forms part of her 
system of state lines. She has organized (1884) the two provinces 
as one political unit which she now calls the province of Tacna 
and which she divides into the two departments of Tacna and 
Arica. 

The Department of Tacna is divided into two Municipios — 



THE PROBLEM OF TACNA AND ARICA 209 

those of Tacna and Tarata. The latter comprises the subdelega- 
ciones of Pocollai, Pachia, Palca, Tarata, Sama, and Calana and 
includes practically all the territory of the department save a 
small portion near the town of Tacna. This arrangement is con- 
fusing, since the Peruvian organization also included a Province 
of Tarata which comprised the whole basin of the Sama in the 
Cordillera but not the lower country traversed by that river 
south of Caribaya. In 1884 Chile occupied the territory up to the 
Rio Cano, which is the most westerly head stream of the Sama, 
claiming this interpretation of the treaty and thus going beyond 
the limits of the Peruvian province of Tacna. 

The port of Arica is being improved, and the hills about it have 
been fortified. Education is being fostered in accordance with 
the Chilean system. Ecclesiastical authority has been trans- 
ferred from Peruvian to Chilean priests, many of the Peruvian 
priests having been expelled as instigators of disloyalty to Chile. 
The colonization of the departments by Chileans has been at- 
tempted, although little has so far been accomplished. 

In 191 8 it seemed that war would break out between the 
two nations as a result of Chilean activities in the "captive prov- 
inces." But a note from President Wilson, urging them to avoid 
an appeal to arms was effective in averting actual hostilities. 

At present (1922), upon invitation from President Harding, 
the two claimants have agreed to meet in Washington in an at- 
tempt to reach a satisfactory solution of the matter. Prior to this 
conference nothing has transpired publicly to indicate that the 
positions of the two governments have altered, viz., that Peru 
has refused to surrender her sovereignty; Chile has stated her 
determination to retain the territory, and no agreement has been 
reached regarding the plebiscite. Compromise would therefore 
seem to be essential to the success of the conference. 

The entire problem of Tacna and Arica has been complicated 
by the desire of Bolivia to secure an outlet to the sea. Arica has 
always been her most natural port, and a large part of her for- 
eign trade has been carried on through this gateway; formerly by 
mule and llama train, more recently by railway. Since the loss 



210 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

of her littoral and her own ports of Antofagasta, Cobija, and 
Mejillones she has come to covet the port of Arica and a strip of 
territory leading back from the coast to her mountain boundary. 
In 1895 a secret treaty was actually signed with Chile, in which 
the latter country agreed to turn over Tacna and Arica to Bolivia 
in case the plebiscite resulted in favor of Chile. The treaty failed 
to obtain ratification in the Chilean Congress, but the effort has 
been renewed in a more or less open way on later occasions. 



APPENDIX C 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Systematic Geographical Works 

i. Sievers, Wilhelm. Slid- und Mittelamerika, 3rd edit., revised. 
Leipzig and Vienna, 1914. [The standard geographical work on 
the continent.] 

2. Sievers, Wilhelm. Die Cordillerenstaaten, Vol. 1, Einleitung, 

Bolivia und Peru. (Sammlung Goschen.) Berlin and Leipzig, 
1913- 

3. Reclus, Elisee. Nouvelle geographie universelle; La terre et les 

hommes. Vol. 18, Amerique du Sud; les regions andines. Paris, 
1893. 

4. Keane, A. H. Central and South America. (Stanford's Compen- 

dium of Geography and Travel.) 2nd edit., revised, 2 vols. 
London, 1909-11. [Vol. 1 deals with South America.] 

5. Martin, Carl. Landeskunde von Chile, Publikation des Geo- 

graphischen Instituts der Universitat Jena, Hamburg, 1909. 

6. Reck, Hugo. Geographie und Statistik der Republik Bolivia. 

Petermanns Mitt., Vol. 11, 1865, pp. 257-261 and 281-295; Vol. 
12, 1866, pp. 299-305 and 373-38i; Vol. 13, 1867, pp. 243-251 
and 317-329- 

7. Reck, Hugo. Geographische Skizze uber das Hochland der Re- 

publik Bolivia. Jahresbericht Geogr. Gesell. zu Hannover, No. 6, 
1884-85, pp. 1-19. 

8. Bowman, Isaiah. The Andes of southern Peru: Geographical 

reconnaissance along the seventy-third meridian. New York, 
19 16. [While this work refers almost entirely to country outside 
the area here discussed, the observations and deductions are of 
the highest importance in understanding the geography of the 
La Paz area.] 

9. Bowman, Isaiah. The highland dweller of Bolivia: An anthropo- 

geographic interpretation. Bull. Geogr. Soc. of Philadelphia, 
Vol. 7, 1909, pp. 159-184. 
10. Middendorf, E. W. Peru: Beobachtungen und Studien tiber das 
Land und seine Bewohner wahrend eines 25-jahrigen Aufent- 
halts. 3 vols., Berlin, 1894-95. [Vol. 2, Das Kustenland, and 
Vol. 3, Das Hochland.] 



212 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

ii. Hettner, Alfred. Regenverteilung, Pflanzendecke und Besied- 
lung der tropischen Anden. In Festschrift Ferdinand Freiherm 
von Richthofen zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, pp. 199-233. 
Berlin, 1893. 

12. Uzarski, Julius. Bolivia: Natur und wirtschaftliche Verhaltnisse. 

Inaugural-Dissertation. Bonn, 191 1. 

Works Mainly Descriptive and Statistical 

13. Pentland, J. B. On the general outline and physical configuration 

of the Bolivian Andes; with observations on the line of perpetual 
snow upon the Andes between 15° and 20 south latitude. Journ. 
Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 5, 1835, pp. 70-89. 

14. Huot, Victor. Geographie des hauts-plateaux des Andes; Pub- 

lication de la Mission G. de Crequi-Montfort et E. Senechal de 
la Grange. Paris, 1908. 

15. Paz Soldan, D. D. Mateo. Geografia del Peru, corregida y au- 

mentada por M. F. Paz Soldan, Vol. 1, Paris, 1862. 

16. Bravo, Carlos. La patria boliviana, estado geografico. La Paz, 

1894. 

17. Crespo, Luis S. Geografia de la republica de Bolivia. 2nd edit., 

revised. La Paz, 19 10. 

18. Van Brabant, William. La Bolivie. Paris and Brussels, n. d. ' 

19. Walle, Paul. Bolivia, its people and its resources, its railways, 

mines, and rubber-forests. London and Leipzig, 19 14. 

20. Bollaert, William. Observations on the geography of southern 

Peru, including survey of the province of Tarapaca, and route to 
Chile by the coast of the desert of Atacama. Journ. Royal Geogr. 
Soc, Vol. 21, 1851, pp. 99-130. 

21. Billinghurst, Guillermo E. Estudio sobre la geografia de Tara- 

paca. Santiago, 1886. 

22. Latrille, Roch. Notice sur le territoire compris entre Pisagua et 

Antofagasta, avec la region des hauts plateaux boliviens. Bull. 
Soc. de Geogr. de Paris, Ser. 7, Vol. 18, 1897, pp. 473-495. 

23. Lopez Loayza, Fernando. La provincia de Tarapaca (Al rededor 

de su industria i de Iquique, su principal puerto). Iquique, 1912- 

I9I3- 

24. Knoche, Walter. Communicaciones breves sobre algunas ob- 

servaciones hechas en la cordillera de Quimsa Cruz. Bol. Soc. 
Geogr. de La Paz, Vol. 7, 1909, Nos. 27, 28, and 29, pp. 22-24. 

25. Paredes, M. Rigoberto. Altiplanicie Pacena. Bol. Oficina Nad. 

de Estadistica, Year 1912, Nos. 81-84, PP- 375-393. La Paz, 1913. 

26. Paredes, M. Rigoberto. Provincia de Inquisivi. Bol. Soc. Geogr. 

de La Paz, Vol. 6, Nos. 24, 25, and 26, pp. 75-137. 



SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 213 

Accounts of Exploration and Travel 

27. Azara, Felix de. Voyages dans l'Amerique meridionale . . . 

1781-1801. 4 vols., Paris, 1809 [contains (2)]. 

28. Haenke, Tadeo. Introduction a l'histoire naturelle de la prov- 

ince de Cochabamba et des environs, et description de ses pro- 
ductions. [Contained in (1), Vol. 2, pp. 391-541.] 

29. Orbigny, Alcide d'. Voyages dans l'Amerique meridionale de 1826- 

1833. 9 vols. Paris, 1835-47. [Vol. 3 deals with the area of the 
La Paz sheet.] 

30. Fitz-Roy, Robert. Narrative of the surveying voyages of His 

Majesty's ships Adventure and Beagle, 3 vols., London, 1839. 

31. Castelnau, Francis de. Expedition dans les parties centrales de 

l'Amerique du Sud, de Rio de Janeiro a Lima, et de Lima au Para 
. . . 1843-1847. 7 vols, and an atlas, Paris, 1851. [Chaps. 37 
to 40, Vol. 3, deal with the route from Potosi to Arequipa via La 
Paz, Desaguadero, and Puno.] 

32. Tschudi, Johann Jacob von. Reisen dm eh Siidamerika. 5 vols. 

Leipzig, 1866-1869. [Chaps. 2-4, in Vol. 5 include the journey from 
Arica to Oruro via Tacna and thence by Puno to Arequipa and 
Islay.] 

33. Weddell, H. A. Voyage dans le nord de la Bolivie et dans les 

parties voisine du Perou. Paris and London, 1853. [Journey from 
Arica to La Paz, Achacachi, and thence by Sorata to the northern 
Yungas, up the Rio de Coroico and Unduavi to La Paz; thence 
via Desaguadero and Puno to Arequipa and Islay. Contains 
numerous references to the flora.] 

34. Grandidier, E. Voyage dans l'Amerique du Sud ; Perou et Bolivie. 

Paris, 1 86 1. 

35. Ursel, C. d'. Sud-Amerique, sejours et voyages en Bolivie. Paris, 

1879- 

36. Wiener, Charles. Perou et Bolivie: Recit de voyage suivi d'etudes 

archeologiques et ethnographiques et de notes sur l'ecriture et les 
langues des populations indiennes. Paris, 1880 [Routes from 
Ilo to La Paz by Arequipa, Puno, and Desaguadero; Ascent of 
Illimani.] 

37. Musters, George Chaworth. Notes on Bolivia, to accompany 

original maps. Journ. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 47, 1877, pp. 201- 
216. 

38. Heath, Edwin R. Exploration of the River Beni in 1880-1. 

Proc. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 5, 1883, pp. 327-347. 

39. Minchin, John B. Notes of a journey through part of the Andean 

table-land of Bolivia in 1882. Proc. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 4, 
1882, pp. 671-676. 



214 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

40. Bresson, Andre. Bolivia; Sept annees d'explorations, de voyages 

et de sejours dans l'Amerique australe. Paris, 1886. [Part IV 
deals with northern Bolivia; Part V contains notes on Bolivian 
cartography and agriculture in Bolivia.] 

41. Hettner, Alfred* Berichte iiber seine Reisen in Peru und Bolivia. 

Verh. der Gesell. fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin, Vol. 15, 1888, pp. 402- 
407, Vol. 16, 1889, pp. 154-160, and Vol. 17, 1890, pp. 232-237. 
[Contain accounts of the coast, the desert northwest of Arica, the 
southwest shore of Titicaca, and the Yungas of La Paz.] 

42. Balzan, L. (i) Da Asuncion a La Paz. Boll. Soc. Geogr. Italiana, 

Ser. 3, Vol. 4, 1891, pp. 452-472 and 561-580. 

(2) Da La Paz a Irupana, Ibid., pp. 725-737. 

(3) Da Irupana a Covendo, Ibid., pp. 911-929. 

43. Urquhart, D. R. The Bolivian Altiplanicie. Scottish Geogr. Mag., 

Vol. 10, 1894, pp. 302-312 and 360-371. [Deals mainly with the 
eastern border.] 

44. Con way, William Martin. The Bolivian Andes: A record of 

climbing and exploration in the Cordillera Real in the years 
1898 and 1900. New York and London, 1901. 

45. Hoek, Henry and Steinmann, Gustav. Erlauterung zur Routen- 

karte der Expedition Steinmann, Hoek, v. Bistram in dpn Anden 
von Bolivien, 1903-04. Petermanns Mitt., Vol. 52, 1906, pp. 
1-13, and 25-32. [Refers to the Eastern Cordillera south of La 
Paz.] 

46. Hoek, Henry. Exploration in Bolivia. Geogr. Journ., Vol. 25, 

1905, pp. 498-513. [Eastern Cordillera.] 

47. Hoek, Henry. Bergfahrten in Bolivia. Zeitschr. Deutschen und 

Oeslerreichischen Alpenvereins, Vol. 36, 1905, pp. 165-192; 1906, 
pp. 162-190. Innsbruck. 

48. Bandelier, A. F. The basin of Lake Titicaca. Bull. Amer. Geogr. 

Soc, Vol. 37, 1905, pp. 449-460. 

49. Zalles, Jorje E. Quinientas leguas a traves de Bolivia: Relacion 

del viaje de reconocimiento practicado para establecer un sis- 
tema de ferrocarriles en Bolivia, 1904-1905. La Paz, 1906. 
[Routes described include the entire eastern edge of the Altiplano, 
south of La Paz; Machaca marca to Colquechaca and beyond; 
Oruro to Cochabamba and through Yungas to Coroico; thence 
back to La Paz.] 

50. Therese Prinzessin von Bayern. Reisestudien aus dem west- 

lichem Sudamerika. 2 vols. Berlin, 1908. [Vol. 2 contains an 
account of the journey from Mollendo by Arequipa, Puno, La 
Paz, and along the eastern edge of the Altiplano.] 

51. Meyendorff, Conrad de. L'Empire du soleil: Perouet Bolivie. 

Paris, 1909. [Route as in preceding work.] 



SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 215 

52. Bryce, James. South America. London and New York, 1912. 

[Especially pp. 166-204.] 

53. Herzog, Theodor. Vom Urwald zu den Gletschern der Kordillere; 

zwei Forschungsreisen in Bolivia. Stuttgart, 1913. [Describes 
the cordillera from the Quimsa Cruz southeastward.] 

54. Herzog, Theodor. Die bolivischen Kordilleren. Petermanns 

Mitt., Vol. 59, I, 1913, pp. 192-195, 247-250, and 304-308. 

Geological Structure, Physiography and Mining 

55. * Miller, Benjamin L., and Singewald, Joseph T., Jr. The 

mineral deposits of South America. New York and London, 1919. 
[Discusses minerals in relation to geology. Contains chapters on 
Bolivia, Chile, and Peru each with a bibliography.] 

56. Orbigny, Alcide d'. Estudios sobre la geologia de Bolivia, tradu- 

cidos y acompafiados de algunas notas y un mapa geologico de 
Bolivia por V. E. Marchant Y. La Paz, 1907. [The numerous 
footnotes in some measure correct the faults of the original and 
give additional information. The Appendix contains several 
papers by L. Sundt.] 

57. Forbes, David. On the geology of Bolivia and southern Peru. 

Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc, Vol. 17, 1861, pp. 7-84. 

58. Romero, Belisario Dias. Bolivia geologica y mineralogica, 

bosquejo sinoptico. Bol. Dir. Nad. Eslad. y Estud. Geogr. segunda 
ipoca. Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 5-13; Nos. 7 and 8, pp. 12-36. La Paz , 
1918. 

59. Bonarelli, Guido. Tercera contribution al conocimiento geologico 

de las regiones petroliferas subandinas del norte. Anal. Minist. 
de Agric: Section Geol., Mineral, y Minas, Vol. 15, No. 1, 
Buenos Aires, 192 1. [Discusses structure and paleogeography of 
the Central Andes.] 

60. Adams, George I. An outline review of the geology of Peru. Ann. 

Rept. Smithsonian Instn. for 1908, pp. 385-430. Washington, 
D. C. [Contains a bibliography.] 

61. Douglas, Jame& Archibald. Geological sections through the 

Andes of Peru and Bolivia: I — From the coast at Arica . . . 
to La Paz and the Bolivian "Yungas." Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc, 
Vol. 70, 1914, pp. 1-53. 

62. Douglas, James Archibald. Geological sections through the 

Andes of Peru and Bolivia: II — From the Port of Mollendo to 
the Inambari River. Ibid., Vol. 76, 1920, pp. 1-58. 

* The present list may be supplemented by use of the bibliographies given in 
this work. 



216 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

63. Dereims, A. Geologia nacional, excursiones cientificas en 1901 y 

1904. La Paz, 1906. 

64. Dereims, A. Le haut plateau de Bolivie. Ann. de Geogr., Vol. 16, 

1907. PP- 350-359- 

65. Courty, G. Explorations geologiques dans l'Amerique du Sud. 

Publication de la Mission scientifique G. de Crequi Montfort 
et E. Senechal de la Grange. Paris, 1907. [Studied eastern border 
of Altiplano.] 

66. Block, Hans. El corte geologico del ferrocarril a Yungas. Anuario 

Geogr djico y Estadistico de la Republica de Bolivia, appendix, La 
Paz, 1919. [Contains a geological map and section.] 

67. Kozlowski, Roman. Informe sobre un viaje en el Norte de la Pro- 

vincia de Carangas. Bol. Direcc. Gen. de Estad. y Estud. Geogrdf., 
No. 88, pp. 34-48. La Paz, 1914. 

68. Kozlowski, Roman. Informe sobre una excursion geologica de la 

region petrolifera de Pacajes, . . . 1914. Bol. Direcc. Nad. 
Estad. y Estud. Geogr. segunda tpoca, Nos. 3, 4, pp. 30—39. La 
Paz, 1918. 

69. Kozlowski, Roman. Apuntes acerca de un viaje geologico por los 

departamentos de Oruro, Potosi y Chuquisaca. Bol. Soc. Geogr. 
de La Paz, Vol. 28, Nos. 51 and 52, pp. 37-92. La Paz, 1920. 

70. Marsters, V. F. The physiography of the Peruvian Andes, with 

notes on early mining in Peru. Annals New York Acad, of 
Sci., Vol. 22, 1912, pp. 225-258. 

71. Tight, W. G. Glaciation of the high plateau of Bolivia, South 

America. (Abstract.) Bull. Geol. Soc. of America, Vol. 15, 1904, 
pp. 584-586. 

72. Steinmann, Gustav. Diluvium in Sudamerika. Zeitschr. der 

Deutschen Geol. Gesell., Vol. 58, 1906, pp. 215-229. Berlin. 

73. Hauthal, Rudolf. Reisen in Bolivien und Peru, ausgefuhrt, 1908. 

Leipzig, 1911. [Author made hasty observations along the east- 
ern edge of the Altiplano and detailed geological and glaciological 
studies in the Cordillera Real; contains many photographs and 
an extensive bibliography.] 

74. Bowman, Isaiah. The physiography of the Central Andes. Amer. 

Journ. of Sci., Ser. 4, Vol. 28, 1909, pp. 197-217 and 373-402. 
[Results of an expedition along the Pacific coast, over the Western 
Cordillera just beyond the southern limit of the La Paz sheet, 
along the eastern edge of the Altiplano, with detailed study in the 
Cochabamba region, the Quimsa Cruz, and Cordillera Real.] 

75. Bowman, Isaiah. Results of an expedition to the Central Andes. 

Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc, Vol. 46, 1914, pp. 161-183. [Continues 
the investigations on the Altiplano by a study of the ancient 
lake system there.] 



SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 217 

76. Gregory, Herbert E. (i) The La Paz (Bolivia) gorge. Amer. 

Journ. of Sci., Ser. 4, Vol. 36, 1913, pp. 141-150. 
(2) Geologic sketch of Titicaca Island and adjoining areas. Ibid., 
pp. 187-213. [Contains a bibliography.] 

77. Sefve, Ivar. Uber eine neue Art der Gattung Macrauchenia aus 

Ulloma, Bolivien. Bull. Geol. Inst. Upsala, Vol. 12, pp. 205-256. 
[Mainly paleontological, but discusses physical conditions in 
recent geological time.] 

78. Sefve, Ivar. Rektor Ivar Sefves resai Sydamerika. Ymer, 192 1, 

PP- 77 _ 8o. Stockholm. [A provisional account — sent from 
Bolivia — of investigations on Quaternary glaciation.] 



Oceanography 

79. Krummel, Otto. Handbuch der Ozeanographie, 2nd edit., 2 vols. 

Stuttgart, 1907. 

80. Hoffmann, Paul. Zur Mechanik der Meeresstromungen an der 

oberflache der Oceane. Berlin, 1884. 

81. Buchanan, John Y. On similarities in the physical geography of 

the great oceans. Proc. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 8, 1886, pp. 753- 
770. 

82. Murray, John. On the temperature of the floor of the ocean, and 

of the surface waters of the ocean. Geogr. Journ., Vol. 14, 1899, 
pp. 34-51- 

83. Coker, R. E. Ocean temperatures off the coast of Peru. Geogr. 

Rev., Vol. 5, 1918, pp. 127-135. 
83a. Murphy, Robert Cushman. The oceanography of the Peruvian 
littoral with reference to the abundance and distribution of 
marine life. Geogr. Rev., January, 1923 (in press). 

Climate 

84. Hann, Julius. Handbuch der Klimatologie, 3rd edit., 3 vols. 

Stuttgart, 1910. [Especially Vol. 2, pp. 360-379.] 

85. Voss, Ernst Ludwig. Die Niederschlagsverhaltnisse von Siida- 

merika. Pelermanns Mitt. Erganzungsheft No. 157, 1907. 

86. Annuario MeteorolSgico de Chile, 1905 onwards, Santiago. 

87. Annals of the Astronomical Observatory of Harvard College, 

Vol. 39, Parts I and II. Cambridge, Mass., 1899 and 1906. 

88. Boletin del Obsetvatorio MeteorolSgico de La Paz, published 

from time to time with the Bol. Soc. Geogr. de La Paz between 
March, 1898, and June, 1903, and between August, 1899, and 
June, 1903. 



2i8 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

89. Boeck, Eugen von. Klimatologie von Cochabamba in Bolivien. 

Mitt. K. K. Geogr. Gesell. in Wien, Vol. 29, 1886 (Vol. 19, N. S.). 
pp. 45S-46S. 

90. Boletin del Observalorio Meteorologico, Sucre, from February 

1915 to March 1918. [The observations are conducted and the 
bulletin published by the members of the Monastery of the 
Society of Jesus in Sucre.] 

91. Hann, Julius. Eugen von Boeck iiber das Klima von Cochabamba. 

Meteorol. Zeitschr., Vol. 5, 1888, pp. 195-197. 

Hydrography 

92. Agassiz, A., and Garman, S. W. Exploration of Lake Titicaca. 

Bull. Museum of Comp. Zool. at Harvard College, Vol. 3, 1871-76, 
PP. 273-286. 

93. Agassiz, Alexander. Hydrographic sketch of Lake Titicaca. 

Proc. Amer. Acad, of Arts and Sci., Vol. 11, 1875-76, pp. 283- 
292. Boston. 

94. La Puent^b, Ignacio. Estudio mOnografico del Lago Titicaca, bajo 

su aspecto fisico e historico. Bol. Soc. Geogr. de Lima, Vol. 1, 
1891-92, pp. 363-391. 

95. Neveu-Lemaire, M. Les lacs des hauts plateaux de l'Amerique du 

Sud, Publication de la Mission de Crequi Montfort et Senechal 
de la Grange. Paris, 1906. 

96. Sever, Jacques. Le Desaguadero (Bolivie). La Giographie, Vol. 

36, 192 1, pp. 35-44- 

97. Aguirre Acha, Jose. La desviacion del rio Mauri (controversia 

boliviano-chilena). La Paz, 1921. 

98. Alayza y Paz-Soldan, Francisco. Informe sobre la provincia 

litoral de Moquegua y el departamento de Tacna. Bol. Cuerpo 
de Ingenieros de Minas del Peru No. 3, Lima, 1903. 

99. Hurd, H. C. Estudio para aumentar las aguas del rio Chili. Bol. 

Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peru No. 34, Lima, 1906. 

100. Hurd, H. C. Informe sobre el aprovechamiento de aguas en el 

valle de Moquegua, Bol. Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peril 
No. 39, Lima, 1906. 

101. Adams, George I. Caudal, procedencia y distribucion de aguas en 

los Departamentos de Arequipa, Moquegua y Tacna. Bol. 
Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas del Peril No. 45, Lima, 1906. 

Vegetation and Zoogeography 

102. Reiche, Karl. Grundziige der Pfianzenverbreitung in Chile. Die 

Vegetation der Erde, Vol. 8, Leipzig, 1907. 



SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 219 

103. Weberbauer, August. Die Pflanzenwelt der peruanischen Anden. 

Die Vegetation der Erde, Vol. 12, Leipzig, 1911. [Both of these 
works contain extensive bibliographies.] 

104. Murphy, Robert Cushman. The seacoast and islands of Peru. 

Brooklyn Museum Quart., Vol. 7. 1920, pp. 69-95, 165-187, and 
239-272; Vol. 8, 1921, pp. 1-28, 35-55. 91-105, and 142-155; Vol. 
9, 1922, pp. 44-70, 95-107, and 141-154- [These papers on the 
animal life of the coast are particularly valuable for the numerous 
graphic descriptions they contain, and on account of the con- 
stant allusion to geographical setting and ecology. In Vol. 7, p. 
249, there will be found reference to useful papers by H. O. Forbes 
and R. E. Coker.] 

105. Nichols, John Treadwell, and Murphy, Robert Cushman. On 

a collection of marine fishes from Peru. Bull. Amer. Museum of 
Nat. Hist., Vol. 46, 1922, pp. 501-516. 

106. Chapman, Frank Michler. The distribution of bird-life in Colom- 

bia. Bull. Amer. Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. 36, 1917. Also pub- 
lished separately. [This valuable study throws much light upon 
the similar conditions on the eastern slopes of the Bolivian 
Andes.] 

107. Menegaux, A. Estudio de una coleccion de aves proveniente de los 

altiplanos de Bolivia y del sud del Peru. Bol. Soc. Geogr. de La 
Paz, Vol. 11, No. 39, pp. 1-50, 1913- [Translated with notes by 
B. Diaz Romero.] 

108. Eigenmann, Carl H. The nature and origin of the fishes of the 

Pacific slope of Ecuador, Peru and Chili. Proc. Amer. Philos. 
Soc, Vol. 60, 1921, pp. 503-523- 

109. Evermann, Barton Warren, and Radcliffe, Lewis. The fishes 

of the west coast of Peru and the Titicaca basin. U. S. Natl. 
Museum Bull. 95, Smithsonian Instn., Washington, D. C, 1917- 



Works Mainly Archeological, Historical, and 
Ethnological 

Dorsey, George A. A bibliography of the anthropology of Peru. 
Field Columbian Museum Publ. 23 (Anthropol. Ser., Vol. 2, 
No. 2), Chicago, 1898. 

Means, Philip A. An outline of the culture-sequence in the 
Andean area. Proc. 19th Internatl. Congr. of Americanists held 
at Washington, Dec. 27-31, 1915, PP- 236-252. Smithsonian 
Instn., Washington, D. C, 1917- [Contains a chronological table 
and sketch maps and a bibliography.] 
, Joyce, Thomas A. South American archaeology, London, 1912. 



220 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

113. Markham, Clements Robert. The Incas of Peru. London and 

New York, 1910. 

114. Squier, E. George. Peru: Incidents of travel and exploration in 

the land of the Incas. New York, 1877. 

115. Nordenskiold, Erland. The Copper and Bronze Ages in South 

America. Goteborg, 1921. 

116. Bandelier, Adolph F. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati. New 

York, 1910. [One of the most distinguished works of scholarship 
in the Hispanic-American field.] 

117. Posnansky, Arthur. Eine praehistorische Metropole in Siid- 

amerika. Berlin, 1914. [An elaborate description of Tiahuanaco, 
text in German and Spanish.] 

118. Posnansky, Arthur. Templos y viviendas prehispanicas. La Paz, 

192 1. [Contains a bibliography of the author's previous works, 40 
in number, mostly dealing with the prehistory of the Altiplano.] 

119. Posnansky, Arthur. Los Chipayas de Carangas. Bol. Soc. Geogr. 

de La Paz, Vol. 16, 1918, No. 47, pp. 137-145. 

120. Stubel, A., and Uhle, M. Die Ruinenstaette von Tiahuanaco im 

Hochlande des Alten Peru; eine kulturgeschichtliche Studie. 
Leipzig, 1892. 

121. Ballivian, Manuel Vicente. Monumentos prehist6ricos de Tia- 

huanacu, Homenaje al XVII Congreso de los Amencanistas. 
La Paz, 1910. 

122. Forbes, David. On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru. 

Journ. Ethnolog. Soc, Vol. 2, 1870, pp. 1-113. London. 

123. Crequi Montfort, G. de, and Rivet, P. L'Origine des aborigines 

du Perou et de la Bolivie. Comptes Rendus de I'Acad. des Inscrip- 
tions et Belles-Lettres [de Paris], 1914, pp. 196-202. 

124. Crequi Montfort, G. de. Linquistique bolivienne: La langue Uru 

ou Pukina, Internatl. Archiv. filr Elhnogr., Vol. 25, pp. 87-113, 
Leiden, 1921. [To be continued.] 

125. Polo, Jose Toribio. Indios Urus del Peru y Bolivia. Bol. Soc, 

Geogr. de Lima, Vol. 10, 1900-01, pp. 445-482. 

126. Chervin, Arthur. L'Anthropologie bolivienne. Extrait des 

Comptes Rendus de V Assoc. Francaise pour V Avancement des Set., 
Congres de Rheims, 1907. 

127. Rouma, Georges. Les Indiens Quitchouas et Aymaras des hauts 

plateaux de la Bolivie. Brussels and La Paz, 1913. 

128. Nordenskiold, Erland. The Guarani invasion of the Inca empire 

in the sixteenth century; An historical Indian migration. Geogr. 
Rev., Vol. 4, 1917, pp. 103-121. 

129. Cieza de Leon, Pedro de. The travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, 

A. D. 1532-50, contained in the First Part of his Chronicles of 
Peru. Transl. and edit, with notes and an introduction by C. R. 



SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 221 

Markham. Hakluyt Soc. Pubis., Ser. 1, Vol. 33, London, 1864; 
Second Part, ibid., Ser. i, Vol. 68, London, 1883. 
130 Prescott, William H. History of the conquest of Peru with a pre- 
liminary view of the civilization of the Incas. New York, 1847. 

131. Acosta, Joseph de. The natural and moral history of the Indies, 

by Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English translated 
edition of Edward Grimston, 1604, and edited by C. R. Mark- 
ham. Hakluyt Soc. Pubis., Ser. 1, Vols. 60 and 61. London, 1880. 

132. Markham, Clements R. Pizarro and the conquest and settlement 

of Peru and Chili; in Vol. 2 of Justin Winsor's "Narrative and 
Critical History of America," pp. 505-578, Boston and New 
York, 1889. 

133. Rene-Moreno, G. Bolivia y Peru: Noticias historicas y biblio- 

graficas. Santiago de Chile, 1905. 

134. Bourne, Edward Gaylord. Spain in America, 1450-1580. (The 

American Nation: A History, Vol. 3.) New York and London, 
1904. 

135. Alcedo, Antonio de. Diccionario geografico-historico de las Indias 

occidentales 6 America. 5 vols., Madrid, 1786-89. 

136. Relaciones geograficas de Indias: Peru. 4 vols. Madrid, 1881- 

1897. 

137. Ballivian Y Rokas, V. de. Archivo boliviano: Coleccion de 

documentos relativos a la historia de Bolivia durante la epoca 
colonial. Vol. 1 (the only one issued). Paris, 1872. [Contains a 
catalogue of printed and manuscript documents relating to Alto 
Peru on the colonial period.] 

138. Urquidi, Jose Macedonio. Nuevo compendio de la historia de 

Bolivia. 3rd edit. La Paz, 192 1. 

139. Markham, Clements R. The war between Peru and Chile, 1879- 

1882. 4th edit. London, 1883. 

140. Wambaugh, Sarah. A monograph on plebiscites, with a collection 

of official documents. Publ. of the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace. New York, 1920. [Contains a statement of 
the Tacna-Arica Question, pp. 156-165, and extracts from offi- 
cial correspondence, pp. 985-1050.] 

Agricultural and Social 

141. Kaerger, Karl. Landwirtschaft und Kolonisation im Spanischen 

America. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1901. 

142. Pfannenschmidt, E. Boliviens Land- und Volkswirtschaft. (Be- 

nch te liber Land- und Forstwirtschaft in Auslande Mitgeteilt 
vom Auswartigen Amte, No. 24.) Berlin, 1916. [Contains a 
bibliography.] 



222 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

143. McBride, George McCutchen. The agrarian Indian communi- 

ties of highland Bolivia. Amer. Geogr. Soc. Research Ser. No. 5. 
New York, 192 1. 

144. Wrigley, Gladys M. The traveling doctors of the Andes; The 

Callahuayas of Bolivia. Geogr. Rev., Vol. 4, 1917, pp. 183-196. 

145. Wrigley, Gladys M. Fairs of the Central Andes. Geogr. Rev., 

Vol. 7, 1919, pp. 65-80. 

146. Ross, Edward Alsworth. South of Panama. New York, 1915. 

[Contains valuable observations upon social conditions in South 
America; Chapters 2 and 3 deal especially with Peru and Bolivia.] 

Official Statistics, Etc. 

147. Censo general de la poblacion de la Republica de Bolivia 

segun el empadronamiento de i° de Septiembre de 1900. 2 vols. 
Oficina Nacional de Inmigracion, Estadistica y Propaganda 
Geografica. La Paz, 1904. 

148. Censo de la Republica de Chile levantado el 28 de Noviembre 

de 1907. Santiago de Chile, 1908. 

149- Republica del Peru; Direccion General de Estadistica, Censo 

general, 1876. 

150. La linea de frontera con la Republica de Bolivia. Republica 

de Chile. Oficina de Mensura de Tierras. Santiago de Chile, 
1910. 

151. Sisson, W. Lee. Informe del reconocimiento sobre el proyectado 

sistema de ferrocarriles bolivianos (transl. by J. E. Zalles). Edi- 
cion Oficial, La Paz, 1905. [Contains maps and profiles.] 

152. Diccionario geografico de la Republica de Bolivia. Vol. i, De- 

partamento de La Paz, 1890; Vol. 2, Departamento de Cocha- 
bamba, 1901; Vol. 4, Departamento de Oruro, 1904. 

153. Crespo, Luis S. Guia del viajero en Bolivia, Vol. 1. La Paz, 1908. 

The following official and societies' publications contain occasional data 
bearing upon one or other of the aspects discussed in the present work. 

BOLIVIA 

154. Botelin de la Direccion (up to 1913 Oficina) Nacional de Estadistica y 

Estudios Geogr dficos. From 1901. 

155. Sinopsis Estadistica y Geogr dfica de la Republica de Bolivia, 3 vols., 

1903-04. 

156. Annuario Nacional, Estadistico y Geogrdfico de Bolivia, 1917 and 

1919. 



SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 223 

157. Revista del Ministerio de Colonization y Agricultura, Seccidn de 

Estadistica, 1905-07. 

158. Anexos & las Memorias que presenta el Ministro de Colonization 

y Agricultura al Congreso. [Irregular.] 

159. Ministerio de Gobierno y Fomento (after 1918 Fomento e Induslria) . 

Appendices a las memorias presentadas a la Legislatura. [Ir- 
regular.] 

160. Informe del Director General de Obras PubUcas. [Annual reports.] 

CHILE 

161. Memoria de la Inspection Jeneral de Colonization e Inmipraci6n. 

From 191 1. 

162. Boletin de la Inspection de Geografia y Minas. Ministerio de In- 

dustria y Obras Publicas. From 1905. 

163. Boletin del Ministerio de Relaciones Esterioras. From 1911. 

164. Annuario Estadistico. Oficina Central de Estadistica. From 1909. 

165. Memorie del Director. Oficina de Mensura de Tierras. Annually 

from 1908. 

166. Revista de Agricultura. Sociedad Agronomica de Chile. From 1915. 

167. Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia. Sociedad Chilena de His- 

toria y Geografia. Santiago, from 191 1. 

168. Boletin de la Sociedad National de Mineria, Santiago, from 1888. 

PERU 

169. Boletin del Ministerio de Fomento. From 1903. 

170. Statistical Abstract of Peru. Ministerio de Fomento, Bureau of Sta- 

tistics. 1919. 

171. Boletin del Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas y Aguas. 

172. Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica de Lima. 

ADDENDUM 

109a. Rusby, Henry Hurd. Report of Work on the Mulford Biologi- 
cal Exploration of 1921-22. Journ. New York Bot. Garden. Vol. 22, 
pp. 101-112. 



APPENDIX D 

CONVERSION TABLES 

Table I 

Millimeters into Inches 
i mm.— o. 03937 inch. 



i 





1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 




In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 





0.0000 


0.0394 


0.0787 


0.1181 


0.1575 


0.1968 


0.2362 


0.2756 


0.3150 


0.3543 


10 


o.3937 


0.4331 


0.4724 


0.5118 


0.5512 


0.5906 


0.6299 


0.6693 


0.7087 


0.7480 


20 


0.7874 


0.8268 


0.8661 


0.9055 


0.9449 


0.9842 


1.0236 


1.0630 


1. 1024 


1 .1.41 7 


30 


1.1811 


1.2205 


1.2598 


1.2992 


1.3386 


1.3780 


i-4i73 


I-4567 


1. 496 1 


1-5354 


40 


1-5748 


1.6142 


1-6535 


1.6929 


1-7323 


1. 7716 


1.8110 


1.8504 


1.8898 


1.9291 


50 


1.9685 


2.0079 


2.0472 


2.0866 


2.1260 


2.1654 


2.2047 


2.2441 


2.2835 


2.3228 


60 


2.3622 


2.4016 


2.4409 


2.4803 


2.5197 


2.5590 


2.5984 


2.6378 


2.6772 


2.7165 


70 


2.7559 


2-7953 


2.8346 


2.8740 


2-9134 


2.9528 


2.9921 


3-0315 


3.0709 


3.1102 


80 


3.1496 


3-1890 


3.2283 


3.2677 


3-3071 


3-3464 


3-3858 


3-4252 


3.4646 


3.5039 


90 


3-5433 


3-5828 


3.6220 


36614 


3-7oo8 


3.7402 


3-7795 


3-8189 


3.8583 


3.8976 



Milli- 
meters 


Inches 


Milli- 
meters 


Inches 


Milli- 
meters 


Inches 


100 


3-9370 


500 


19.6850 


800 


31-496 


200 


7.8740 


600 


23.6220 


900 


35-4330 


300 


11.8110 


700 


27.559 


1000 


39.3700 


400 


15.7480 











CONVERSION TABLES 
Table II 

Meters into Feet 

i meter — 39.3700 inches — 3.280833 feet. 



225 



M. 





1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 




Feet 


Feet 


Feet 


Feet 


Feet 


Feet 


Feet 


Feet 


Feet 


Feet 





0.00 


3-28 


6.56 


9.84 


13-12 


16.40 


19.68 


22.97 


26.25 


29-53 


10 


32.81 


36.09 


39-37 


42.65 


45-93 


49-21 


52.49 


55-77 


59-05 


62.34 


20 


65.62 


68.90 


72.18 


75-46 


78.74 


82.02 


85-30 


88.58 


1.866 


95.14 


30 


98.42 


101.71 


104.99 


108.27 


in-55 


114-83 


118. 11 


121.39 


124.67 


127.95 


40 


131-23 


134-Si 


137-79 


141.08 


144.36 


147.64 


150.92 


154-20 


157.48 


160.76 


50 


164.04 


167.32 


170.60 


173-88 


177.16 


180.45 


183.73 


187.01 


190.29 


193-57 


60 


196.85 


200.13 


203.41 


206.69 


209.97 


213-25 


216.53 


219.82 


223.10 


226.38 


70 


229.66 


232.94 


236.22 


239-50 


242.78 


246.06 


249.34 


252.62 


255-90 


259-19 


80 


262.47 


265.7S 


269.03 


272.31 


275.59 


278.87 


282.15 


285.43 


288.71 


291.99 


90 


295.27 


298.56 


301.84 


305-12 


308.40 


311.68 


314-96 


318.24 


321.52 


324.80 



Meters 


Feet 


Meters 


Feet 


Meters 


Feet 






800 


2624.7 






100 


328.08 


900 


2952.7 


4000 


13123.3 


200 


656.17 


1000 


3280.8 


45oo 


14763.7 


300 


984.25 


1500 


4921.2 


5000 


16404.2 


400 


1312.33 


2000 


6561.7 


55oo 


18044.6 


500 


1640.42 


2500 


8202.1 


6000 


19684.8 


600 


1968.50 


3000 


9842.5 


6500 


21325.2 


700 


2296.6 


35oo 


11482.9 


7000 


22965.6 



226 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



Table III 



Kilometers into Miles 

i kilometer — 0.621370 mile 



Km. 





1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 




Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 


Mi. 





0.0 


0.6 


1.2 


1.9 


2.5 


3-i 


3-7 


4-3 


5-0 


5-6 


10 


6.2 


6.8 


7-5 


8.1 


8.7 


9-3 


9.9 


10.6 


11.2 


11.8 


20 


12.4 


13-0 


13.7 


14-3 


14.9 


15-5 


16.2 


16.8 


17.4 


18.0 


30 


18.6 


19-3 


19.9 


20.5 


21. 1 


21.7 


22.4 


23.0 


23.6 


24.2 


40 


24.9 


25-5 


26.1 


26.7 


27-3 


28.0 


28.6 


29.2 


29.8 


30.4 


50 


3i. 1 


3i-7 


32.3 


32.9 


33-6 


34-2 


34-8 


35-4 


36.0 


36.7 


60 


37-3 


37-9 


38.5 


39-1 


39-8 


40.4 


41.0 


41.6 


42.3 


42.9 


70 


43-5 


44-i 


44-7 


45-4 


46.0 


46.6 


47-2 


47-8 


48.5 


49-1 


80 


49-7 


50.3 


51-0 


51.6 


52.2 


52.8 


53-4 


54-i 


54-7 


55-3 


90 


55-9 


56.5 


57-2 


57-8 


58.4 


59-o 


59-7 


60.3 


60.9 


61.5 



Kilo- 
meters 


Miles 


Kilo- 
meters 


Miles 


Kilo- 
meters 


Miles 


100 


62.1 


600 


372.8 


2000 


1242.7 


200 


124.3 


700 


435-0 


3000 


1864.1 


300 


186.4 


800 


497-1 


4000 


2485-5 


400 


248.5 


900 


559-2 


5000 


3106.8 


500 


310.7 


1000 


621.4 







CONVERSION TABLES 227 

Table IV 

Square Kilometers into Square Miles 
1 km. 51 — 0.3861 16 mile 2 



a 





1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 




Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 


Mi. 2 





0.000 


0.386 


0.772 


1. 158 


1-545 


1. 93 1 


2.317 


2.703 


3-089 


3-475 


10 


3.861 


4.247 


4-633 


5.020 


5.406 


5-792 


6.178 


6.564 


6.950 


7-336 


20 


7.722 


8.108 


8-495 


8.881 


9.267 


9-653 


10.039 


10.425 


10. 811 


11. 197 


30 


11.584 


11.970 


12.356 


12.742 


13.128 


I3.5I4 


13-900 


14.286 


14.672 


15-059 


40 


15-445 


15-831 


16.217 


16.603 


16.989 


17-375 


17.761 


18.148 


18.534 


18.920 


50 


19-306 


19.692 


20.078 


20.464 


20.850 


21.236 


21.623 


22.009 


22.395 


22.781 


60 


23-167 


23.553 


23-939 


24.325 


24.711 


25.098 


25.484 


25.870 


26.256 


26.642 


70 


27.028 


27.414 


27.800 


28.187 


28.573 


28.959 


29-345 


29-731 


30.117 


30.503 


80 


30.889 


31-275 


31.662 


32.048 


32.434 


32.820 


33-206 


33.592 


33-978 


34.364 


90 


34-750 


35-137 


35-523 


35-909 


36.295 


36.681 


37.067 


37-453 


37-839 


38.226 



Km. 2 


Mile 2 


Km. 2 


Mile 2 


100 


38.61 


600 


231.67 




200 


77.22 


700 


270.28 




300 


115.84 • 


800 


308.89 




400 


154-45 


900 


347-50 




500 


193-06 


1000 


386.10 





Table V 
Hectares into Acres 



Hectares 


Acres 


Hectares 


Acres 


1 


2.471 


6 


14.826 




2 


4.942 


7 


17.297 




3 


7.413 


8 


19.768 




4 


9.884 


9 


22.239 




5 


12.355 


10 


24.710 





228 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Table VI 

Centigrade Scale to Fahrenheit 



Cg. 





.1 


.2 


•3 


•4 


•5 


.6 


• 7 


.8 


•9 


° 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


60 


140.00 


140.18 


140.36 


140.54 


140.72 


140.90 


141.08 


141.26 


141.44 


141.62 


59 


138.20 


138.38 


138.56 


138.74 


138.92 


139-10 


139.28 


139-46 


139.64 


139-82 


58 


136.40 


136.58 


136.76 


136.94 


137.12 


137.30 


137.48 


137-66 


137.84 


138.02 


57 


i34-6o 


134-78 


134-96 


135.14 


135.32 


135-50 


135.68 


135-86 


136.04 


136.22 


56 


132.80 


132.98 


133-16 


133-34 


133.52 


133-70 


133.88 


134-06 


134.24 


134-42 


55 


131.00 


131-18 


131-36 


I3L54 


131.72 


13190 


132.08 


132.26 


132.44 


132.62 


54 


129.20 


129.38 


129.56 


129.74 


129.92 


130.10 


130.28 


130.46 


130.64 


130.82 


53 


127.40 


127.58 


127.76 


127.94 


128.12 


128.30 


128.48 


128.66 


128.84 


129.02 


52 


125.60 


125.78 


125.96 


126.14 


126.32 


126.50 


126.68 


126.86 


127.04 


127.22 


5i 


123.80 


123.98 


124.16 


124.34 


124.52 


124.70 


124.88 


125.06 


125.24 


125.42 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


50 


122.00 


122.18 


122.36 


122.54 


122.72 


122.90 


123.08 


123.26 


123.44 


123.62 


49 


120.20 


120.38 


120.56 


120.74 


120.92 


121. 10 


121.28 


121.46 


121.64 


121.82 


48 


118.40 


118.58 


118.76 


118.94 


119.12 


119-30 


119.48 


119.66 


119.84 


120.02 


47 


116.60 


116.78 


116.96 


117.14 


117.32 


117.50 


117.68 


117.86 


118.04 


118.22 


46 


114.80 


114.98 


115. 16 


"5-34 


115-52 


115.70 


115.88 


116.06 


116.24 


116.42 


45 


113.00 


113-18 


113.36 


"3-54 


113.72 


113-90 


114.08 


114.26 


114.44 


114.62 


44 


in. 20 


111.38 


in. 56 


111.74 


111.92 


112. 10 


112.28 


112.46 


112.64 


112.82 


43 


109.40 


109.58 


109.76 


109.94 


no. 12 


110.30 


110.48 


110.66 


110.84 


in. 02 


42 


107.60 


107.78 


107.96 


108.14 


108.32 


108.50 


108.68 


108.86 


109.04 


109.22 


4i 


105.80 


105.98 


106.16 


106.34 


106.52 


106.70 


106.88 


107.06 


107.24 


107.42 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


40 


104.00 


104.18 


104.36 


104.54 


104.72 


104.90 


105.08 


105.26 


105.44 


105.62 


39 


102.20 


102.38 


102.56 


102.74 


102.92 


103.10 


103.28 


103.46 


103.64 


103.82 


38 


100.40 


100.58 


100.76 


100.94 


101.12 


101.30 


101.48 


101.66 


101.84 


102.02 


37 


98.60 


98.78 


98.96 


99.14 


99.32 


99-50 


99.68 


99.86 


100.04 


100.22 


36 


96.80 


96.98 


97.16 


97-34 


97.52 


97.70 


97-88 


98.06 


98.24 


98.42 


35 


95.00 


95-18 


95.36 


95-54 


95.72 


95-90 


96.08 


96.26 


96.44 


96.62 


34 


93-20 


93-38 


93.56 


93-74 


93 92 


94.10 


94.28 


94.46 


94.64 


94.82 


33 


91.40 


91.58 


91.76 


91.94 


92.12 


92.30 


92.48 


92.66 


92.84 


93-02 


32 


89.60 


89.78 


89.96 


90.14 


90.32 


90.50 


90.68 


90.86 


91.04 


91.22 


3i 


87.80 


87.98 


88.16 


88.34 


88.52 


88.70 


88.88 


89.06 


89.24 


89.42 



CONVERSION TABLES 



229 



Table VI 

(Continued) 

Centigrade Scale to Fahrenheit 



Cg. 





.1 


.2 


•3 


•4 


• 5 


.6 


•7 


.8 


•9 


• 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


30 


86.00 


86.18 


86.36 


86.54 


86.72 


86.90 


87.08 


87.26 


87.44 


87.62 


29 


84.20 


84.38 


84.56 


84.74 


84.92 


85.10 


85.28 


85.46 


85.64 


85.82 


28 


82.40 


82.58 


82.76 


82.94 


83.12 


8330 


83.48 


83.66 


83.84 


84.02 


27 


80.60 


80.78 


80.96 


81.14 


81.32 


81.50 


81.68 


81.86 


82.04 


82.22 


26 


78.80 


78.98 


79.16 


79-34 


79-52 


79.70 


79.88 


80.06 


80.24 


80.42 


25 


77.00 


77.18 


77-36 


77-54 


77.72 


77.90 


78.08 


78.26 


78.44 


78.62 


24 


75-20 


75-38 


75.56 


75-74 


75.92 


76.10 


76.28 


76.46 


76.64 


76.82 


23 


73-40 


73.58 


73.76 


73-94 


74.12 


74-30 


74-48 


74.66 


74.84 


75.02 


22 


71.60 


71.78 


71.96 


72.14 


72.32 


72.50 


72.68 


72.86 


73-04 


73.22 


21 


69.80 


69.98 


70.16 


70.34 


70.52 


70.70 


70.88 


71.06 


71.24 


71.42 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


20 


68.00 


68.18 


68.36 


68.54 


68.72 


68.90 


69.08 


69.26 


69.44 


69.62 


19 


66.20 


66.38 


66.56 


66.74 


66.92 


67.10 


67.28 


67.46 


67.64 


67.82 


18 


64.40 


64.58 


64.76 


64.94 


64.12 


65-30 


65.48 


65.66 


65.84 


66.02 


17 


62.60 


62.78 


62.96 


63.14 


63.32 


63-50 


63.68 


63.86 


64.04 


64.22 


16 


60.80 


60.98 


61.16 


61.34 


61.52 


61.70 


61.88 


62.06 


62.24 


62.42 


15 


59-00 


59.18 


59.36 


59-54 


59-72 


59-90 


60.08 


60.26 


60.44 


60.62 


14 


57-20 


57.38 


57.56 


57-74 


57-92 


58.10 


58.28 


58.46 


58.64 


58.82 


13 


55-40 


55.58 


55.76 


55-94 


56.12 


56.30 


56.48 


56.66 


56.84 


57-02 


12 


53-6o 


53-78 


53-96 


54-14 


54-32 


54-50 


54-68 


54-86 


55.04 


55-22 


II 


51.80 


51.98 


52.16 


52.34 


S2.52 


52.70 


52.88 


53-06 


53.24 


53.42 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


10 


50.00 


50.18 


50.36 


50.54 


50.72 


50.90 


51.08 


51.26 


51-44 


51.62 


9 


48.20 


48.38 


48.56 


48.74 


48.92 


49-IO 


49.28 


49.46 


49.64 


49.82 


8 


46.40 


46.58 


46.76 


46.94 


47-12 


47.30 


47.48 


47-66 


47.84 


48.02 


7 


44.60 


44.78 


44.96 


45.14 


45-32 


45-50 


45-68 


45-86 


46.04 


46.22 


6 


42.80 


42.98 


43.i6 


43-34 


43-52 


43.70 


43-88 


44.06 


44.24 


44.42 


5 


41.00 


41.18 


41.36 


41.54 


41.72 


41.90 


42.08 


42.26 


42.44 


42.62 


4 


39-20 


39.38 


39.56 


39-74 


39.92 


40.10 


40.28 


40.46 


40.64 


40.82 


3 


37.40 


37.58 


37.76 


37-94 


38.12 


38.30 


38.48 


38.66 


38.84 


39-02 


2 


35-60 


35.78 


35.96 


36.14 


36.32 


36.50 


36.68 


36.86 


37-04 


37-22 


1 


33.80 


33-98 


34.16 


34-34 


34.52 


34.70 


34-88 


35-06 


35.24 


35.42 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 





32.00 


32.18 


32-36 


32-54 


32.72 


32.90 


33.08 


33-26 


33-44 


33-62 



230 THE CENTRAL ANDES 

Table VI 
(Continued) 

Centigrade Scale to Fahrenheit 



Cg. 





.1 


.2 


•3 


-4 


• 5 


.6 


• 7 


.8 


•9 


o 


° F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


°F. 


- 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 





32.00 


31.82 


31.64 


31.46 


31-28 


31-10 


30.92 


30.74 


30.56 


30.38 


i 


30.20 


30.02 


29.84 


29.66 


29.48 


29.30 


29.12 


28.94 


28.76 


28.58 


2 


28.40 


28.22 


28.04 


27.86 


27.68 


27.50 


27.32 


27.14 


26.96 


26.78 


3 


26.60 


26.42 


26.24 


26.06 


25.88 


25.70 


25-52 


25-34 


25.16 


24.98 


4 


24.80 


24.62 


24.44 


24.26 


24.08 


23.90 


23.72 


23-54 


23.36 


23.18 


5 


23.00 


22.82 


22.64 


22.46 


22.28 


22.10 


21.92 


21-74 


21.56 


21.38 


6 


21.20 


21.02 


20.84 


20.66 


20.48 


20.30 


20.12 


19-94 


19.76 


19.58 


7 


19.40 


19.22 


19.04 


18.86 


18.68 


18.50 


18.32 


18.14 


17.96 


17.78 


8 


17.60 


17.42 


17.24 


17.06 


16.88 


16.70 


16.52 


16.34 


16.16 


15.98 


9 


i5-8o 


15-62 


15-44 


15-26 


15.08 


14.90 


14.72 


14-54 


14.36 


14.18 


- 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


10 


14.00 


13-82 


13.64 


13.46 


13-28 


13-10 


12.92 


12.74 


12.56 


12.38 


ii 


12.20 


12.02 


11.84 


11.66 


11.48 


11.30 


11. 12 


10.94 


10.76 


10.58 


12 


10.40 


10.22 


10.04 


9.86 


9.68 


9-50 


9-32 


9.14 


8.96 


8.78 


13 


8.60 


8.42 


8.24 


8.06 


7.88 


7.70 


7.52 


7-34 


7.16 


6.98 


14 


6.80 


6.62 


6.44 


6.26 


6.08 


5-90 


5-72 


5-54 


5-36 


5.18 


- 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


15 


5.00 


4.82 


4.64 


4.46 


4.28 


4.10 


3-92 


3-74 


3.56 


3-38 




+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


16 


3-20 


3-02 


2.84 


2.66 


2.48 


2.30 


2.12 


1.94 


1.76 


1.58 




+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


+ 


- 


- 


17 


1.40 


1.22 


1.04 


0.86 


0.68 


0.50 


0.32 


0.14 


0.04 


0.22 


18 


0.40 


O.S8 


0.76 


0.94 


1. 12 


1.30 


1.48 


1.66 


1.84 


2.02 


19 


2.20 


2.38 


2.56 


2.74 


2.92 


3-io 


3-28 


3-46 


3.64 


3.82 


20 


4.00 


4.18 


4-36 


4-54 


4.72 


4.90 


5.08 


5-26 


5-44 


5.62 


21 


5.80 


5-98 


6.16 


6.34 


6.52 


6.70 


6.88 


7.06 


7.24 


7.42 


22 


7.60 


7-78 


7.96 


8.14 


8.32 


8.50 


8.68 


8.86 


9.04 


9.22 


23 


9.40 


9-58 


9.76 


9.94 


10.12 


10.30 


10.48 


10.66 


10.84 


11.02 


24 


11.20 


11.38 


11.56 


11.74 


11.92 


12.10 


12.28 


12.46 


12.64 


12.82 


25 


13-00 


13-18 


13.36 


13-54 


13-72 


13.96 


14.08 


14.26 


14-44 


14.62 


26 


14.80 


14.98 


15-16 


15-34 


15-52 


15.70 


15.88 


16.06 


16.24 


16.42 


27 


16.60 


16.78 


16.96 


17.14 


17.32 


17.50 


17.68 


17.86 


18.04 


18.22 


28 


18.40 


18.58 


18.76 


18.94 


19.12 


19.30 


19.48 


19.66 


19.84 


20.02 


29 


20.20 


20.38 


20.56 


20.74 


20.92 


21.10 


21.28 


21.46 


21.64 


21.82 


30 


22.00 


22.18 


22.36 


22.54 


22.72 


22.90 


23.08 


23.26 


23-44 


23.62 



INDEX 



INDEX 



Acha, J. A., 105 

Adobe, 152, 153 

Agriculture, Pacific coast, 172; social 
basis, 157; Yungas Indians, 170 

Aguardiente, 151, 162 

Aji, 150, 174 

Alcaldes, 200 

Alcatraz, 127 

Alcohol, 150, 162, 172, 17s 

Alfalfa, 161, 167 

Alpacas, 24, 128, 160 

Altiplano, 3, 4, 6, 14; description, 22; 
drainage, 96; hydrography, 98; 
isolated hills, 35; looking across near 
Nazacara (ill.), opp. 23; mineraliza- 
tion, 15; mining in western part, 57; 
part, with Cordillera Real and 
La Paz valley (block diagr.), 26; 
precipitation, 91; soil, 108; surface 
and underlying rocks, 38; typical 
finca, 159; winds, 79 

Altitude, 13; life at high altitudes, 128, 
155; of mines, 59; population and, 
145; zones, 69 

Alto Peru, 194 

Amazon River, 25 

American Geographical Society, His- 
panic American program, ix, x 

American Museum of Natural History, 
viii, 124 

Ananta, 41 

Ancestor worship, 200 

Anchovetas, 126 

Ancomarca, 194 

Ancon, treaty of, 204, 206 

Andenes, 163, opp. 163 (ill.) 

Andes, change of trend, 31; earlier form, 
35; north and south of La Paz, con- 
trast, 31; recent uplift, extent and 
effect, 36; Tertiary conditions, 33, 
35 

Angostura gorge, 41 

Animal life, 122; Atlantic slope, 132; 
belts of distribution, 123; coast, 124; 
desert pampa, ii7; reproduction, 
climatic control, 134; Western 
Cordillera and Puna, 128 

Anthony, H. E., viii 

Antofagasta, 183, 184 

Araca, 59 



Arequipa, 18; agriculture near, 166-167, 
opp. 167 (ill.); borax, 56; buildings, 
152; daily temperature variations, 
73 (graph), 74; earthquake, 48; 
importance, 188; monthly tempera- 
ture variations, 70 (graph), 71, 72; 
precipitation, 90, 92 (graph), 93 
(graph); railway, 182; traffic, 180; 
winds, 77 (with diagr.) 

Arica, 60, 177, 178, 182, 209; coast near, 
19; daily temperature variations, 
73 (graph), 74; earthquakes, 48; im- 
portance, 19, 190; monthly tem- 
perature variations, 70 (graph), 71; 
port and railway, 66, 184; tectonic 
feature from, 32; wind roses, 75. 76 
(diagr.). See also Tacna-Arica prob- 
lem 

Arica-La Paz railway, 107, 183, 184, 208 

Aridity, 15 

Arriero, 165 

Ascotan, 56 

Atacama, 101, 203 

Atacama Trench, 61 

Audiencias, 194, 196 

Avicaya, 59 

Ayllu, 199 

Aymara Indians, 17, 30, 136, 138; 
fishermen on the shore of Lake 
Titicaca (ill.), opp. 165; procession 
at a. fiesta in La Paz (ill.), opp. 162 

Ayopaya River, 31 

Ballivian, Lake, 44, 45 (diagr.) 

Balsas, 165, opp. 165 (ill.) 

Barley, 151, 161 

Bathymetric lines, 8 

Beagle (ship), 2, 64 

Beans, 24, 118, 150 

Bears, spectacled, 123, 130, 134 

Beni River, 4, 185, 186 

Bibliography, 211 

Billinghurst-Latorre Convention, 208 

Birds, Atlantic slope, 132; Chapman, 
F. M., on, 126; desert pampa, 127; 
guano-producing, 124; Puna, 130 

Bismuth, 49, 58 

Bolivia, lack of coast line and seaports, 
204, 209; population, 142; vital sta- 
tistics, 156 



234 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



Bolivian census, 140, 141 

Boobies, 126 

Borax, 15, 49, 56 

Boundaries, political, 193; changes 
(map), 195 

Bowman, Isaiah, vi, viii; Introduction, 
ix; on Lakes Ballivian and Minchin, 
44, 45 (diagr.); physiography, 33; 
uplift of Andes, 36; Western Cor- 
dillera slopes, 34 

Bronze, 51, 52 

Buildings, 152 

Cabezera de Valle, 69 

Cables, 61 

Caca Aca, 187 

Cacti, 114, us, 150; La Paz valley (ill.), 

opp. 119 
Caleta, 147 

Caleta Buena, 66, 181; importance, 19 
Caleta Chica, 66 
Caleta Junin, 66, 181 
Caliche, 55 
Callahuayas, 158 
Callas, soundings near, 61 
Camanchaca, 112 
Caminos de herradura, 181 
Canal, Mauri River to Palcota valley, 

104 
Canchones, 106, 174, 175 
Cano River, 198, 209 
Carabaya, 51 
Carabuco, 52 
Caracoles, 59 
Carnaval, 162 
Cascarilleros, 172 
Cattle, 151. 164, 171, 173 
Cavies, 129, 139 
Ceja de la Montana, 119, 120, opp. 120 

(ill.) 
Census returns, 141 
Cere us, 114 
Cerro Verde, 56 
Chachani, 188 
Challapata, 192 
ChaHar trees, 20, 112, 113 
Chancaca, 175 
Chapman, F. M., viii; on bird life in 

Colombia, 132; on birds of the coast, 

126 
Charcas, 194. 196 
Charcoal, 51, 56, 59 
Charqui, 151 
Chasquis, 150 
Cherimoya, 167 
Chicha, 150 



Chile, longitudinal railway, 181; 
nitrates, 49; population, 142; war 
with Bolivia and Peru, 203 

Chile-Bolivia Boundary Commission, 3 

Chile saltpeter. See Nitrates 

Chilean census, 141 

Chili pepper, 150, 174 

Chili River, 78, 90, 96, 106, 188; des- 
cription, 101; flow at Arequipa 
(graph), 102 

Chili valley, farms (ill.), opp. 167 

Chilicolpa, 57 

Chinchillas, 128, 129 

Chipayas, 137, 152-153; swine-raising, 
164 

Cholos, 140 

Chulumani, 185 

Churio, 150, 161, 191 

Chuquiaguillo River, 51, 58, 185, 187 

Chuquiapo, 51 

Cinchonas, 121, 169, 171 

Cities, 186 

Clan, 199, 200 

Clay-eating, 151 

Climate, 13, 16, 28, 67 

Clothing, 153 

Clouds, 88; precipitation and cloud con- 
ditions (map) , 67 ; types and rainfall 
belts on eastern border of Andes 
(diagrs.), 87 

Coach roads, 181 

Coast, faunal studies, 124; features, 18; 
precipitation, 89, 90 (diagrs.); 
towns, 147; valley oases, 172; winds, 
75 

Coast line, survey, 2 

Coast Range, wet and dry seasons 
(diagrs.), 90 

Coastal desert, 108 

Coastal escarpment, 18 

Coastal hills, 17. See also Lomas 

Coca, 30, 121, 162; cultivation, 169, 170 

Cocaines, 169 

Cocal, 170 

Cochabamba, 18, 27, 146; agriculture 
in the basin, 166-167; basin, 32, 35; 
monthly temperature variations, 70 
(graph), 71, 72; precipitation, 88, 92 
(graph); railway to Oruro, 183, 185; 
situation, 2, 189; soil, 108; water 
supply, 98; winds, 82, 83 (diagr.), 84 

Coffee, 30, culture, 169, 171 

Coipasa, salar of, 23, 32, 44, 100 

Coker, R. E., 124 

Collas, 136, 138, 139, 199, 200. See also 
Aymara Indians 



INDEX 



235 



Collasuyo, 138 

Colonos, 159; farming in La Paz valley 
(ill.), opp. 160 

Colonization, Incas, 139, 140 

Color, 21, 118, 128 

Colquechaca, 28, 59 

Colquiri, 59 

Comanchi, Cerro de, 35 

Community Indians, 157, 164; annual 
round of life on the Altiplano, 164 

Compass traverses, 3 

Compilations, 4 

Condors, 123, 125, 131, 193 

Coniri, 34 

Conquistador es, 18, 50, 14s 

Contours, approximate, 5; treatment, 6 

Conversion tables, 224 

Conway, Sir W. M., 3, 4 

Copacabana, 24, 202; fair, 192 

Copaos, 114 

Copiapo River, 196 

Copper, 49; Altiplano, 15, 57; Corocoro 
mines, 182; occurrence, 51 

Cordillera Real, 3. 4, 7, 14; looking 
toward, from the Yungas (with ill.), 
168; part, with Altiplano and La Paz 
valley (block diagr.), 26; structure 
and relief, 15; water resources, 97 

Cormorants, 126, 127 

Corocoro, 24, 105, 176; copper mines, 
182; fault, 34; native copper, 57 

Coroico, 168 (with ill.), 170, 185 

Coroico River, upper basin, with plan- 
tations, and the town (ill.), 168 

Corry, T. A., 2, 5 

Cosecha de la muerie, 80 

Costumes of plateau Indians, 154 

Cotton, 153, 174 

Creoles, 149 

Crequi-Montfort expedition, 4 

Crustal weakness, 32 

Culli, 117 

Cuzco, 139, 140, 150, 177, 188, 193, 202, 

Deer, 133 

Denudation, 13 

Desaguadero (ill.), opp. 24 

Desaguadero River, 4, 23, 105; descrip- 
tion, 99; near Nazacara (ill.), opp. 
23; source (ill.), opp. 24; "strike" 
character, 46 

Desert, 19; fauna, 127; piedmont, 19; 
road, 180; vegetation, 112 

Desert bird, 127 

Dew, in 

Diseases, 155 



Distichlis grass, 112 

Dogs, wild, 127, 130 

Dolores, 106 

Donkeys, 24 

Doors, 153 

Douglas, J. A., 33 

Drainage, 45, 95 

Drake, Sir Francis, 190 

Drunkenness, 150, 162 

Dunes, 47, 80 

Dust, 80 

Dwellings, Indian, 152; Indian, in high 
country west of Lake Titicaca (ill.), 
opp. 153; Uru house and woman 
(ill.), opp. 152 

Dyes, 154 

Earthquakes, 48, 147 

Eastern Cordillera, approximations, 5; 

divisions, 27; faunal barrier, 123; 

minerals, 15; mining, 58; pasture 

(ill.), opp. 153; precipitation, 88; 

vegetation, 118; winds, 79 
El Misti, 21, 48, opp. 165 (ill.), 188 
Encomiendas, 145 
Environment and population, 136 
Epidemics, 156 
Equatorial rains, 16 
Erosion, 14, 34, 37, 47, 107 
Eucalyptus, 118, 159 
"Eyebrow" of the forest, 119, 120, opp. 

120 (ill.) 

Fairs, annual, 191 

Farms, Altiplano, 159; Chili valley (ill.), 

opp. 167; peon laborers, La Paz 

valley (ill.), opp. 160; typical farm 

near Luribay, 166-167 
Faults, 34, 35 

Fauna, 122. See also Animal life 
Fawcett, P. H., 2 
Festivals, 162, 201; procession of 

Aymara. Indians in La Paz (ill.), 

opp. 162 
Fiebre amarilla, 155 
Fincas, 159, 163 
Fish, as food, 150; marine, 125; plateau, 

131 
Fishing in Lake Titicaca, 165 
Flamingos, 123, 130 
Floods, 105, 106 
Flora, 109 
Fog, 89, 112 
Food, 149 

Forbes, David, 33; geological map, 32 
Forbes, H. O., 124 



236 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



Forests, 17; bird life, 132; "eyebrow" of 
the forest, 119, 120, opp. 120 (ill.); 
mammals, 133; tropical rain forest, 
30 

Fossils, 39. 44. 45 

Foster, C. W., 80 

French commission survey, 3 

Frogs, 132 

Frontiers, 193 

Fruits, 30, 113. 114. 151. 167, 172 

GarAa, 108, in 

Geological structure, 31 

Geologists' investigations, 32 

Geology, extent of knowledge, 32 ; utili- 
zation in mapping, s 

Glaciation, 37 

Glaciers, 37, 96, 97 

Goitre, 155 

Gold, 28, 49, 58; Eastern Cordillera, is; 
occurrence, 51 

Grande River, 28, 46 

Grass steppe, 117, 119 

Grassiere, R. de la, 137 

Grebes, 130 

Gregory, H. E., on La Paz beds, 40; on 
Titicaca basin, 34 

Guanay, 127 

Guano, 124, 203 

Guano-producing birds, 124 

Guayras, 51 

Guemal, 133 

Guillaves, 114 

Guinea pigs, 130, 130 

Haba beans, 24, 118 
Harvard University, Astronomical Ob- 
servatory, 77. 78, 79. 188 
Hats, 154 

Hauthal, Rudolf, on La Paz beds, 40, 41 
Health, 155 

Highlands, climate, 16; population, 17 
Hispanic-American research plan, ix 
Hot springs, 33. 34. 48 
Household implements, 153 
Houses. See Dwellings 
Huaca, 202 
Huanaco, 128 
Huanuni, 28, 59 

Huaqui, port (ill.), opp. 182; winds, 80 
Huari, 192 
Huata, 24 

Humboldt Current, 62, 89 
Huot, Victor, 4 
Hurricanes, 91 
Hydrographic data, 2 



lea, 177 

Ichu, opp. 23 (ill.), opp. 114 (ill.), 116; 
pasture land in Eastern Cordillera 
(ill.), opp. 153; Puna Brava zone 
(ill.), opp. 116 

Ilacatas, 200 

Illimani, 82, 187; from the Yungas (ill.), 
opp. 120 

Ilo, 66, 181 

Inca empire, 138, 139. 193; local Indian 
government and, 200; movement of 
the people, 177 

Indian names, 8 

Indians, community Indians, 157; cul- 
ture, 17; diet, 150; habitations and 
occupations on Western Cordillera, 
22; mine workers, 176; mining and 
metal-working, 50, 51; mixture with 
Spaniards, 148; plateau, costume, 
154; plateau, social and religious 
organization, 199; religion, 191; 
Spanish control, 146; Yungas, occu- 
pations, 170. See also Community 
Indians 

Inquisivi, 51, 146 

International Map Committee, 6 

Intip Raymi, 201 

Inundations, 91 

Iodine, 55. 155 

Iquique, 75 

Iron, 153 

Irrigation, 163, 166, 167; projects, 103 

Island of the Sun, 202 

Isluga, 57 

Junin. See Caleta Junin 

Kings, 200 
Krtimmel Deep, 62 

Labor, forced, 139, 175 

Lacahahuira River, 100 

La Joya, daily temperature variations, 
73 (graph), 74; monthly tempera- 
ture variations, 70 (graph), 72; 

Lakes, 97; development, 42 

Land, absorption by whites and mes- 
tizos, 157; utilization, 159, opp. 174 
(map) 

Land forms, 31 

Landowners, 158 

Landscape, 21. See also Scenery 

La Paz, daily temperature variations, 
73 (graph), 74; from the southwest 
(ill.), 187; monthly temperature 
variations, 70 (graph), 71. 72; preci- 



INDEX 



237 



La Paz (continued) 

pitation, 88, 93 (graph); railway 
routes to the sea, 183, 184; situation, 
25, 186; traffic, 180; water supply, 
98; winds, 81 (diagr.), 82 

La Paz, Alto of, 25, 38 

La Paz area, compilation of sheet, ix, 1; 
geological structure, 14; maps used 
in constructing sheet, list, 8; natural 
regions, 18; physical history, 13 

La Paz River, 4, 25, 38, 39. 187; gorge, 
28, 41, 45 

La Paz valley, cactus vegetation (ill.), 
opp. 119; part (block diagr.), 26; 
sedimentary deposits, 40 

Lard, 164 

Lauca River, 164 

Lava flows, 19. 20 

Lima, 177, 194. 204 

Linguistic researches, 136 

Llallagua, 59, 176 

Llamas, 22, 24, 128; as beasts of burden, 
156; domestication and wool, 154 

Lobos, 126 

Lomas, 17. 18, 108, 173; tiempo de 
lomas, 91 ; vegetation, 1 10 

Luribay, farm near, 166-167 

Luribay River, 38, 39 

McBride, G. M., vi, viii; on the social 
and religious organization of the 
plateau Indians, 199 

Madeira River, 25 

Maize, 150, 151, 167 

Malaria, 155 

Maps, index map of natural regions, 29; 
list used in constructing the La Paz 
sheet, 8; previous compilations, 4 

Mdquina, 55 

Marbut, C. F., vii 

Marine life, 122, 125 

Maritime Cordillera, 14. See also West- 
ern Cordillera 

Masonry, 152, 202 

Mauri River, 23, 46; diversion project, 
104 

Mayordomo, 159 

Meat, 150, 151 

MSdanos, 47 

Medio Valle, 69; agriculture and life, 
166 

Megalithic structures, 25, 138, 193 

Mercury, 53 

Mesquite, 175 

Mestizos, 140, 148, 149 

Meteorological records, 67, 68 



Milk, 150 

Miller and Singewald, on minerals, 49; 
on nitrates, 54 

Milluni, 59 

Minchin, J. B., 1; sketch map of an 
ancient lake, 42, 43 (map A); tra- 
verse, 3 

Minchin, Lake, 43 (map B), 44, 45 
(diagr.) 

Mineralization, 13 

Minerals, 49; geology and, 33; occur- 
rence, 50 

Miners, 176 

Mines, 49; altitude, 59 

Mining, 24, 175; Eastern Cordillera, 
28, 58; western Altiplano, 57; Wes- 
tern Cordillera, 56 

Miraflores, 188 

Misti, El, 21, 48, opp. 165 (ill.), 188 

Mita, 52, 139, 175 

Mollendo, 180, 182; port and railway, 
184; winds, 75 

Montana forest, 119, 121 

Moquegua, 20. 103, 181 

Morococala, 59 

Mountain sickness, 15s, 156 

Mulatos, 149 

Murphy, R. C, viii; 124; on anchovetas, 
126 

Names, selection, 7 

Natural regions, vii, 18; map — index to 
international map, 29 

Natural vegetation, 109; distribution 
(map), no. See also Vegetation 

Negroes, 149, 173 

Nitrates, 19, 20, 49, 203; extraction, 55; 
origin of fields, 53; ports 66; work- 
ers, 174 

Nitrogen fixation, 53, 54 

Oases, 112, 172, 173 

Obrajes, cactus vegetation (ill.), opp. 

119 
Oca, 115, 118, 150, 161 
Ocean, 61 
Oil, 50, 59 
Olives, 173 
Opuntia, 114, 115 
Orbigny, Alcide d', 6; geological map, 

32 
Oruro, 24, 59; hills, 35. 5L S3", monthly 

temperature variations, 70 (graph), 

71, 72; precipitation, 92 (graph); 

situation, 189; water supply, 98; 

winds, 80 



238 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



Oruro-Cochabamba railway, 183, 185 
Otters, 127 

Pachacmama, 201 

Pacific Ocean, 61; currents, 62; marine 
life, 65; navigation, 65; soundings, 
61; surface temperature, 63 

Pacific slope, desert vegetation, 112; 
hydrography, 100 

Pack roads, 181 

Padua, 133 

Palcota valley, 104 

Pampa, 19 

Pampa de Salinas, 3 ; borax, 56 

Pampa del Tamarugal, cultivation, 175; 
name, 112; water conditions, 105 

Parinacota, 131 

Pasto de miel, 113 

Patrdn, 160 

Payachata, 32 

Peasant life, 159 

Peasant proprietors, 166 

Peneplane, 14, 27, 34 

Pentland, J. B., 1 

Peonage, 157 

Peons, IS9 

Peru, population, 142; Viceroyalty, 177, 
194, 196 

Peru Current, 62, 89 

Peruvian census, 141 

Peruvian Corporation, 182 

Peste, 155 

Pichu Pichu, 188 

Piedmont, desert nature, 19; end of a 
river on (ill.), opp. 101 

Pilcomayo River, 28, 46 

Piquero, 127 

Pisagua, 181; earthquake, 48; from the 
roadstead (ill.), opp. 18; importance, 
19; port, 66; water supply, 106 

Place names, 7 

Plebiscite, 20s 

Pleistocene glaciation, 36 

Podsol, 107 

Political organization, 193 

Polo, J. T., 137 

Pompeckj, J. P., on Puna beds, 40 

Poncho, 154 

Pongo, 160 

Poopo, Lake, 23, 32, 91; description, 
100; development, 44; reed beds, 
117; shore lines, 4 

Population, 18; agglomerations, 143; 
distribution, 141, opp. 146 (map); 
distribution — comparisons with oth- 
er countries, 144; environment and. 



Population (continued) 

136; life in the various zones, 157; 
mode of life, 149; modifications of 
arrangement in the past, 14s; move- 
ment, 176; Spanish Conquest and, 
145 

Porco, Si. 53 

Ports, 19, 66, 147, 177, 184 

Potatoes, 22, 24, us, 118, 150, 161 

Potosi, S3. 59, 179 

Powder, blasting, 56, 57 

Precipitation, 86; Altiplano, 91; Are- 
quipa, 90, 92 (graph); cloud condi- 
tions and (map) , 67 ; cloud types and 
rainfall belts on eastern border of 
Andes (diagrs.), 87; Eastern Cor- 
dillera, 88; monthly, for five sta- 
tions (graphs), 92-93; Western 
Cordillera and coast, 89, 90 (diagrs.) 

Prehistoric empire, 193 

Pressure, 74 

Property, 199 

Pueblo Nuevo, El, 186, 188 

Puna, 17; bird life, 130; fauna, 128; 
vegetation, 115 

Puna beds, 39, 41-42 

Puna Brava, 69, n6;ichu (ill.), opp. 116 

Puno, daily temperature variations, 
73 (graph), 74; railway to, 182; 
winds, 79 (with diagr.), 80 

Puquina language, 137 

Quenua trees, 116 

Quichua Indians, 17, 136, 138, 140 

Quilca, 177, 180, 188 

Quime, 146 

Quimsa Cruz, 4 

Quimsachata, Cerro de, opp. 24 (ill.), 

opp. 182 (ill.) 
Quinine, 121, 169 
Quinoa, 22, 24, 115, 118, 150, 162 

Races, 136, 148 

Railways, 4, 178 (map), 179, 181 

Raimondi's map, 5, 6 

Rainfall. See Precipitation 

Red pepper, 150, 174 

Reeds, 117, 130 

Religion of the plateau Indians, 199 

Repartimienlos, 52, 175 

Rivers, 46; as frontiers, 198; diversion 
schemes, 103; end of a river on the 
piedmont (ill.), opp. 101; Maritime 
Cordillera, 96; nature, 95; Pacific 
slope, 101; regularizing flow, 103 

Roads, 176, 179, 180. See also Routes 



INDEX 



239 



Rocha River, 98, 189 

Rodents, 129, 134 

Rogers, A. P., traverse, 3 

Roofs, 152, 153 

Routes, traffic, 176, 178 (maps) 

Rubber, 172 

Ruins, 25; Tiahuanaco, 138, 152 

Rurrenabaque, 185 

St. John's Day, 201 

Sajama, 21, 32 

Salars, 20, 23, 44, 48 

Salt, is, 47. SO, 151, 165 

Saltpeter, 56. See also Nitrates 

Sama River, 198, 209 

Sapahaqui River, 38, 39 

Sardinas, 125 

Scenery, Cordillera Real, 25; La Paz, 

187-188; Titicaca, 24 
Seccador, 171 

Sefve, Ivar, on Puna beds, 40, 41 
Serfdom, 146, 147 
Shade and sunshine, 72 
Sheep, 24, 154, 160 
Shelter, 151. See also Dwellings 
Silver, 49, 58, 175; occurrence, 51; 

Oruro, 190; shipment, 148; Spanish 

production, 58 
Singewald. See Miller and Singewald 
Snipe, 131 

Snow line, 37, 96, 109 
Social system 157; plateau Indians, 199 
Sodium nitrate. See Nitrates 
Soils, 107 
Soroche, 155, 156 
Spaniards, descendants, 140; lomas 

vegetation and, in; mining, 52, 

145; mixture with Indians, 148; 

population redistribution, 145 
Spanish towns, 146 
Spectacled bears, 123, 130, 134 
Spellings, 7 
Spirits, 200 
Steinmann, Hoek, and von Bistram 

traverse, 4 
Steppes, grass, 117, 119 
Stiles, A., 4 

Stone, building, 152, 153 
Streams. See Rivers 
Strike valleys, 46 
Submarine cables, 61 
Subsequent valleys, 46 
Succulent vegetation, 113 
Sucre, 186, 187; precipitation, 92 

(graph) ; winds, 84, 85 (diagr.) 
Sugar, 17s 



Sugar cane, 30, 173, 174 

Sulphur, is, so, S7 

Sun, Island of the, 202 

Sun worship, 200, 201 

Sundt, Lorenzo, on Puna beds, 40 

Sunshine and shade, 72 

Surveys, 3 

Sweets, 150 

Swine, 164 

Syphilis, 155 

Taapaca, 20, 48 

Tacna, 20, 182; water supply, 104, 106 

Tacna-Arica problem, 203 

Tacora, 20, 21,48, 57 

Tamarugal. See Pampa del Tamarugal 

Tambo, Pampa of, 19 

Tambo River, 101, 103, 105; valley, 
sugar cane, 173, 174 

Taquia, 51, 59, 160, 161, 165 

Tarapaca, 176, 197, 204 

Tarata, 208, 209 

Tayra, 134 

Temperature, 15, 16, 69; daily varia- 
tions at six stations (graphs), 73; 
monthly variations at seven stations 
(graphs), 70; ocean surface, 63 

Terraces, abandoned artificial, 163, opp. 
163 (ill.) 

Terral, 75 

Tertiary conditions, 33, 35 

Thermal equator, 15, 16 

Tiahuanaco, 136, 14s; importance, pre- 
historic, 177; ruins, 138, 152 

"Tidal" waves, 147 

Tides, 66 

Tiempo de lomas, 91 

Tin, 28, 49, 58, 17s; smelting, 60 

Tiquina, Strait of, 34 

Titicaca, Isla de, 202 

Titicaca, Lake, 3, 23; air circulation, 79; 
as boundary, 194; basin, 34; descrip- 
tion, 98; development, 44; fish, 150; 
fishing, 165, opp. 165 (ill.); Inca 
civilization, 25; outlet (ill.), opp. 24; 
port of Huaqui and (ill.), opp. 182; 
reed beds, 117; shore lines, 4; steam- 
er service, 182 

Tola, 22, 24, 114, opp. 114 (ill.) 

Totoral, 59 

Towns, Spanish ports, 147; twin towns, 
147 

Trade winds, 16, 65, 75, 82 

Traffic routes, 176, 178 (maps) 

Trails, 181 

Transport, 156 



240 



THE CENTRAL ANDES 



Traverses, 3 
Tree line, 17. "9 
Tree planting, 118 
Tribute, 139, 146, 199 
Tunari, Cordillera de, 98, 189 
Tungsten, 49, 58 
Tupus, 51 

Ubinas, 48 

Ulexite, 56 

Ulloma, 39, 40, 41 

Uncia, 28, 59 

Uru Indians, 136, 190; woman grinding 

(ill.), opp. 152 
Uyuni, 23, 32 

Valle, 69. 166 

Vegetation, 16; divisions, 109; Eastern 
Cordillera, 118; lomas, no; past 
influences, 109; Puna, 115; succu- 
lent, 113; tola, 114; Western Cor- 
dillera, 22, 113 

Venereal diseases, 15s 

Viacha, 186 

Viacha-Arica railway, 184 

Viceroyalty of Peru, 177, 194, 196 

Vicunas, 128, 154 

Villages, 24; plateau, 163; Yungas, 30 

Vinocaya, daily temperature variations, 
73 (graph), 74; monthly tempera- 
ture variations, 70 (graph), 71, 72; 
winds, 78 (diagr.), 79 

Virazon, 75. 76 

Viscacha, 128, 129 

Vitor River, 101 

Volcanic activity, 35, 37. 147 

Volcanoes, 20, 21, 35, 36, 48 



War of the Pacific, 196, 197. 203, 204 

Water rights, 166, 172 

Water supply, 97 

Western (Maritime) Cordillera, 3; as 
boundary, 196; description, 20; 
drainage, 96; fauna, 128; mineraliza- 
tion, 15; mining, 56; precipitation, 
89, 90 (diagrs.) ; structure and relief, 
IS; vegetation, 22, 113; winds, 7S 

Wheat, 151 

Whitehead, W. L., on nitrates, 54, 55 

Winds, 74, 86; Altiplano, 79; Arequipa, 
77 (with diagr.); Arica, 75, 76 
(diagr.); coast and Western Cor- 
dillera, 75 ; Cochabamba, 82, 83 
(diagr.), 84; Eastern Cordillera, 79', 
Iquique, 75; La Paz, 81 (diagr.), 82; 
Mollendo, 75; Puno, 79 (with 
diagr.), 80; Sucre, 84, 85 (diagr.); 
Titicaca basin, 79; Vinocaya, 78 
(diagr.), 79 

Wine, 173-174 

Wool, 153. 154 

Wrigley, G. M., viii 

Yareta, 22, 24, 57, 59, opp. 114 (ills.), 

116, 165 
Young, Arthur, 166 
Yuca, 151 
Yungas, 30, 69, 107; coca belt, 169; 

drainage, 95; plantations in Coroico 

basin (ill.), 168 

Zambaigos, 149 
Zambos, 149 
Zoology, 124 



